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Will Presumption of Innocence Be The Next To Fall?

Why Pennsylvania Attorney General Josh Shapiro decided it was his place to get into the mix is unclear. Maybe it was just too easy to hop on the Woke Train and get a free ride. Maybe he didn’t want to be left out of the “coalition” of states’ attorney generals who couldn’t manage to clean up the mismanagement (like the thousands of rape kits that go untested for years) of the handling of sex offenses in their states’ criminal courts, and found it easier to grab at low-hanging fruit.

Attorney General Josh Shapiro, together with the Attorneys General of New Jersey and California, yesterday led a multistate coalition of 19 Attorneys General in submitting a formal, legal comment letter to Secretary Betsy DeVos and the U.S. Department of Education calling on federal officials to withdraw a proposed rule that would undermine the anti-discrimination protections of Title IX of the Education Amendments Act of 1972and weaken protections against sexual harassment and violence for students.  The proposed rule would impose new requirements on schools and students that would be a significant departure from the fundamental purpose of Title IX and the Education Department’s longstanding Title IX guidance, and leave campuses less safe.

That the new rules would be a “significant departure” was pretty much the point. The irony of “longstanding” meaning starting in 2011 when they were invented out of whole cloth by a bureaucrat eludes Shapiro. That inclusion of some basic due process “leaves campuses less safe,” however, isn’t merely the repetition of the vapid slogan of sad advocates, but a threat by attorneys general.

The “coalition” submitted a lengthy comment of 71 pages, which suggests they have a bit of extra time on their hands having managed to fix all their state issues so that they can now focus on federal rules. But the thrust of their arguments coming from AGs isn’t merely childish, but disconcerting. They are arguing against the value of due process, fundamental fairness for the accused male student. But slipped in there is an argument rarely seen, and never by an attorney general. There should be no presumption of innocence.

B. The Presumption of Non-Responsibility Improperly Tilts the Process in
Favor of the Respondent.

The proposed rule states that there is a “presumption” that the respondent is “not responsible” for the alleged sexual harassment. §§ 106.45(b)(1)(iv) & (b)(2)(i)(B). The presumption appears aimed at protecting respondents in a manner akin to the presumption of innocence in criminal cases. But the grievance procedures are non-criminal in nature, so a criminal presumption by another name is not appropriate. Relatedly, but more fundamentally, the presumption contradicts the regulation’s stated goal of promoting impartiality by inherently favoring the respondent’s denial over the complainant’s allegation. Instead the allegation and the denial must be treated neutrally, as competing assertions of fact whose truth can only be determined after an investigation. The problem would be even starker if any final regulation were to retain recipients’ ability to choose a “clear and convincing” evidence standard (which we contend is not appropriate). The presumption of non-responsibility and the “clear and convincing” standard of evidence likely would, in practice, compound one another and raise an exceedingly high bar to any finding of responsibility for sexual harassment.

Accordingly, there should be no presumption regarding the respondent’s responsibility.

In the scheme of sophistry, this is pretty big. The presumption of innocence, or “non-responsbility” as it’s euphemistically called here, is little more than the flip-side of the burden of proof. If the burden isn’t met, then who wins? But there is an additional prong, that the “winner” isn’t ascribed the title of “rapist” who beat the rap, even though that’s pretty much the way it goes anyway.

The presumption has long been reduced to a legalism in the mind of the public, that the cops wouldn’t arrest someone if he wasn’t guilty. That prosecutors wouldn’t prosecute someone who wasn’t guilty. To many, the burden is on the perp to prove his innocence, or he’s guilty but got lucky. The concept of it being a bit problematic to prove a negative isn’t one that people tend to spend much time thinking about. Why bother when everybody knows the guy is guilty?

But the argument proffered by the attorneys general is shockingly weak:

The presumption appears aimed at protecting respondents in a manner akin to the presumption of innocence in criminal cases. But the grievance procedures are non-criminal in nature, so a criminal presumption by another name is not appropriate.

This is a non-sequitur. The argument, which no one makes but certainly should, that the criminal law presumption should apply, as this is no “grievance procedure” but a subconstitutional criminal prosecution that has consequences more severe than the vast majority of crimes, compels the presumption to apply. That it’s not, at least as argued by the AGs, a criminal case has no rational bearing on whether the presumption should apply.

The question, at best, would then turn to whether the purposes for the presumption apply to these proceedings as they do to criminal cases. They can’t be bothered to make a cogent argument, but then the sad advocates to whom their comment is really addressed won’t complain about their failure of logic.

But the fact that this comes from attorneys general, whose responsibility bears some relation to constitutional rights as well as the jurisprudence upon which they exist, raises a secondary, more nefarious problem. They are arguing throughout their letter, often disingenuously such as when they ignore the caselaw requiring hearings and some means of confrontation when facts are in dispute, against the basic premises of due process.

The AGs are arguing that due process is an evil that should be eliminated on campus because it makes woman “unsafe.” Even worse, they are arguing that an accused male student shouldn’t be presumed innocent of rape before the burden of proof, whatever that might be, is sustained. The ploy, that someone can be accused of rape but “considered neutrally” is absurd, and they, as lawyers, certainly know this.

Just as due process has been vilified in this process to assure the men lose, the presumption of innocence is now the target of the AGs’ rhetoric. Having already reduced due process to the enemy of women with astounding success, is the presumption of innocence now in their crosshairs? It’s not just the impact on the woke psyche on campus, but as legal concepts are undermined in the mind of the public, it filters through the system. Won’t that be convenient for the AGs?

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Proposed Missouri legislative reform emphasizes due process for accused in Title IX cases

GRAHAM PIRO – STAFF REPORTER 

Lawmakers express optimism bill will succeedA set of bills in the Missouri Legislature proposes significant reforms to the state’s Title IX procedures by allowing accusers and accused students to take their cases in front of the state’s Administrative Hearing Commission.They also ban guilt-presuming language and empower the attorney general to fine schools found to have violated due process rights. Particularly important for accused students, the legislation would also make the publication of false and malicious statements that someone is guilty of fornication, adultery, sexual assault, or rape legally punishable.Lawmakers are expressing optimism that it can be enacted into law this year.Under HB-573, college students would be able to request a hearing in front of the state’s AHC in any Title IX-related case in the University of Missouri System. It would also exert more pressure on institutions of higher education to protect due process rights through potential fines and legal action from the state’s attorney general.“It’s a time to put the protection back in place,” Rep. Dean Dohrman, the House bill’s sponsor, told The College Fix in a phone interview. “The core of the bill is to make sure that our fundamental rights are in place, that due process is followed.”Sen. Gary Romine, the sponsor of the Senate companion bill (SB-259), told The Fix the bill’s purpose was “putting responsibility on the school to make sure the students know their rights.”Both Romine and Dohrman expressed optimism that the legislation would be passed at some point this year, given that Missouri has a Republican “trifecta” – control of the governor’s seat and majorities in both legislative chambers. “I think it has good prospects,” Dohrman said.

The bills are marked as “emergency acts” that will take effect immediately due to being deemed “necessary for the immediate preservation of the public health, welfare, peace, and safety.”

The AHC “acts as a neutral and independent hearing officer for the state to avoid situations where a state agency acts as investigator, prosecutor, and decision maker,” according to the state of Missouri’s website. The legislation would effectively make Title IX proceedings more like legal cases where witnesses would be allowed to testify and evidence presented in trial-like hearings.

It could also potentially take the pressure off colleges to process Title IX complaints by having complainants and respondents take their cases directly to the commission.

The bills makes significant adjustments to current Title IX procedures, which do not currently allow the commission to hear such proceedings.

They also allow students to request a hearing in front of the commission as an appeal of any Title IX case if students received disciplinary action by the institution in the outcome of the case. Students would also be able to request expedited hearings if the outcome of their case was suspension or expulsion.

In order to exert more pressure on schools to follow due process, the bills empower the attorney general to investigate any alleged or suspected violations of the grievance procedure, and would fine schools that are found to have violated the due process rights of students $250,000.

Any breach of due process between an institution and a student would be considered an unlawful act by the attorney general, who would be able to collect data about Title IX cases from institutions.

The bills would also clarify the terminology used in Title IX cases. They require that colleges ensure “all parties use the terms ‘complainant’ and ‘respondent’ and refrain from using the term ‘survivor’ or any other term that presumes guilt before an actual finding of guilt.”

Donell Young, assistant vice chancellor for Student Engagement and Success at the University of Missouri, told The Columbia Daily Tribune that the bills could silence students who come forward about their experiences.

“It could silence some students, one that was already afraid to go through the legal process anyway, but it can also stop them from going through a university process because they don’t want the double taxation of going through the process,” she said.

“If due process is followed, the truth will come out,” Dohrman told The Fix. He stressed that the focus of his bill is to ensure that due process is followed through the proceedings, and that the “core of the bill is to make sure that our fundamental rights are in place.”

“Everyone takes sexual harassment and sexual assault seriously,” he continued. “We want to make sure it’s a good process that everyone can believe in.”

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Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee ousted as chair of Congressional Black Caucus Foundation after lawsuit

Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee, D-Texas, speaks as she departs a deposition before the House Judiciary Committee by Peter Strzok, the FBI agent facing criticism following a series of anti-Trump text messages, on Capitol Hill, Wednesday, June 27, 2018 in Washington. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon) ** FILE **
Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee, D-Texas, speaks as she departs a deposition before the House Judiciary Committee by Peter Strzok, the FBI agent facing criticism following a series of anti-Trump text messages, on Capitol Hill, Wednesday, June 27, 2018 in Washington. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon) ** FILE **
– The Washington Times – Wednesday, January 23, 2019

Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee has been pushed out as chair of the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation after she was accused in a lawsuit last week of retaliating against an employee who complained of being raped.

She also lost her post as the top Democrat on a Judiciary Committee’s crime, terrorism and homeland security subcommittee, which she had been in line to chair in the new Congress.

Despite being the third-ranking Democrat on the Judiciary Committee, she does not have any subcommittee chairmanships, according to the list Democrats announced Wednesday afternoon.

Judiciary Chairman Jerrold Nadler said Ms. Jackson Lee made a decision to “voluntarily and temporarily step back” from the subcommittee chairmanship so as not to derail the panel’s work.

“This decision does not suggest any culpability by Representative Jackson Lee,” Mr. Nadler, New York Democrat, said. He said Rep. Karen Bass would serve as chairwoman “until the matter is resolved and Representative Jackson Lee can resume the role of chair.”

The New York Times reported that key activist groups had said in the wake of the rape-retaliation allegation that they could not work with the Texas congresswoman on reauthorizing the Violence Against Women Act, which is a major piece of work looming for the panel.

Several outlets reported Ms. Jackson Lee’s decision, under pressure, to step down from the CBCF, which is the nonprofit arm of the Congressional Black Caucus, the symbolically powerful group of black lawmakers on Capitol Hill.

The moves came a week after a woman, identified only as “Jane Doe” in her lawsuit, said she was raped by a CBCFemployee in 2015, when she was a 19-year-old intern and her attacker was the 30-year-old coordinator of the CBCF’s intern program.

Her lawsuit contained lurid details and suggested a police investigation ensued, including taking the alleged attacker’s DNA, though it does not appear a prosecution took place.

Ms. Jackson Lee was not chair of the CBCF at the time the woman says the rape occurred but became chair in 2017.

The Jane Doe plaintiff was also hired in Ms. Jackson Lee’s office in late 2017, and at some point last year, told the congresswoman’s chief of staff that she planned to pursue legal action against the CBCF for the trauma she suffered.

The woman says she was soon fired from Ms. Jackson Lee’s office, and says the budget and work performance explanations given don’t jibe with the facts. She says she believes the firing was retaliation.

Ms. Jackson Lee’s office last week denied the wrongful termination and said it was not involved in the events the Jane Doe plaintiff described from 2015.

Her office did not respond to a request for comment Wednesday on her ouster from her leadership posts.

Copyright © 2019 The Washington Times, LLC.
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Public Comment Period Extended for Title IX Rule

January 18, 2019
The Department of Education said Thursday it would extend the public comment period for a proposed Title IX sexual misconduct rule. Technical issues have made the website that accepts public comments on federal rules unavailable since Wednesday.

Politico first reported the issues on the site, regulations.gov, which a banner message blamed on the ongoing government shutdown before federal officials said a technical glitch was to blame.

“The department will extend the public comment period to ensure that the public will have had 60 days in total to submit comments on this proposed rule using the Federal eRulemaking Portal,” said Liz Hill, a spokeswoman for the Education Department.

Comments on the new campus sexual misconduct rule were due by Jan. 28. The new closing date will be determined when the website is back online.

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New Title IX Rules Would Empower Both The Accused And The Survivors

While I’m not a fan of most of Betsy DeVos’s reforms, when it comes to Title IX, I’m in full support.

The proposed rules do help the accused by restoring their fundamental right to cross-examine their accuser. For students facing expulsion and being branded as sexual predators, this is no small thing.

But victims would also be empowered. They’d be able to opt to participate in a facilitated conversation in which the harm is identified and responsibility taken.

“I just wanted him to hear me,” explained one woman who participated in such a conference.

“I realized that saying sorry wasn’t enough,” said one repentant man.

The old guidelines prohibit this option.

And there’s another benefit for victims. Right now, the very people who might provide much-needed counsel are deputized as mandatory reporters. Should faculty overhear anything suspicious at the salad bar or in a personal essay on dorm life or wherever, we’re required to report it immediately to the Title IX office.

If the student says she doesn’t want to report, we are to override her resistance.

Any ambivalence on her part, we’re told at annual trainings, is a symptom of trauma. Under no circumstances are we to talk with a student about the incident, as we might re-traumatize her.

The proposed rules give colleges the chance to retire the undercover army of sex police. Teachers can once again assume the essential role of mentor, exploring options rather than betraying a student’s confidence.

For victims, these changes are enormous. Instead of being treated as if they’re too traumatized to act on their own behalf, they’re given the opportunity to think and make decisions for themselves.

Our nation’s undergraduates need us to believe in their capacity to grow and change. Our society needs adults who’ve been given the support to learn from their mistakes, and to tell others clearly when boundaries have been crossed.

And we all need more opportunities for honest conversations about the pitfalls of passion.

The DeVos guidelines help us to get there.

Meg Mott has studied Title IX, and teaches politics at Marlboro College in Marlboro, Vermont

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Title IX consultants mock cross-examination in campus trials: ‘More evidence will not overcome bias’

Does DeVos see ‘every hearing as a Perry Mason episode’?

 

Multiple appeals courts at both the state and federal level have explained the importance and necessity of cross-examination in campus sexual-misconduct proceedings.

They often invoke a quote by the famed American jurist Henry Wigmore, cited in a 1972 Supreme Court ruling, that cross-examination is “beyond any doubt the greatest legal engine ever invented for the discovery of truth.”

A high-profile Title IX consulting firm doesn’t agree, at least when cross-examination is used in its field.

In its latest “tip of the week,” the National Center for Higher Education Risk Management mocks Education Secretary “Betsy DeVos and her supporters” for supposedly arguing that cross-examination is “the panacea” for the problems in Title IX proceedings.

The Department of Education’s proposed Title IX regulation, which is open to public comment for another two weeks, would require these proceedings to allow cross-examination and exclude the testimony of any party or witness that refuses to undergo cross-examination.

The core problem in these proceedings “is actually rooted in bias and lack of training,” NCHERM’s unsigned six-page letter reads:

[The Education Department] believes – incorrectly – that producing more and better evidence in hearings will overcome the biased and deficient analysis that is plaguing those proceedings. Phooey. The solution isn’t about evidence. More evidence will not overcome bias, because bias inherently causes decision-makers to ignore and overlook evidence. Believing otherwise is wishful thinking. Producing more and better evidence (the purported goal and purpose of cross-examination) simply provides those who are biased more to ignore and overlook.

The Title IX field is riddled with “implicit bias” and those who make decisions in proceedings often possess “deficient analytical skills,” which requires “more and better training,” the group argued. When bias and deficient analysis intersect, “that multiplies the problem into confirmation bias,
which is much more difficult to unravel.”

In a paragraph that shows the group’s underlying disdain for advocates of due process, NCHERM alludes to the “greatest legal engine” quote:

Perhaps [DeVos and her supporters] see every hearing as a Perry Mason episode, replete with an opportunity to break the witness and make them confess the truth? This kind of superstition results from watching too many TV courtroom dramas and not enough real time in actual courtrooms or educational administrative hearings.

The conceit of humans believing they are lie detectors undergirds the belief that crossexamination is the optimal way to discern truth or credibility. There is no data to support the validity of that belief.

MORETitle IX bureaucrat group charges $1,499 to teach you due process

The “tip” goes on to suggest talking points for readers when they submit comments on the notice of proposed rulemaking, including the “high risk of traumatizing the parties” through “adversarial” elements.

It asks what will happen when parents can actively represent their children in proceedings, rather than sit silently as hearing panelists and campus prosecutors grill the parties:

I have seen Mom in this process. Many times. Mom is not genteel. Mom is not trained. Mom is a momma bear doing anything she needs to protect her cub. Maybe a student needs such a zealous advocate, but when the claws come out, civility is forgotten. The same can be true for Dad; he has claws, too.

The tip also suggests that colleges will have trouble recruiting faculty and staff to serve as hearings officers and chairs when those people will be “doing battle with skilled attorneys on how a question should be phrased, whether it should be posed, and whether it was sufficiently answered.”

But it returns at the conclusion to emphasize that “this entire cross-examination blueprint could significantly chill victims from ever deciding to report sex discrimination and seek formal redress” – and “that seems to be” the intention of the department’s Office for Civil Rights.

Read the tip of the week, which was shared by the due-process group Stop Abusive and Violent Environments as a “good laugh.”

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Disallowing Cross-Examination Can Violate State and Federal Law

The Supreme Court has lauded cross-examination as “the greatest legal engine ever invented for the discovery of truth.”  Suzanne Goldberg overlooks the Supreme Court’s praise for cross-examination, attributing this praise instead to a “1904 legal treatise” (“Keep Cross-Examination Out of College Sexual-Assault Cases,” The Chronicle, January 10).

But it is not just long-dead legal writers who view cross-examination this way. The Supreme Court still does, as it declared in its 1999 ruling in Lilly v. Virginia.

Goldberg wants to keep cross-examination out of campus sexual-assault and harassment cases. But doing that can violate state and federal law.

Some state courts have ruled that their state’s Administrative Procedures Act gives accused students the right to cross-examine their accuser. Federal law often confers this right as well. In Doe v. Baum (2018), a federal appeals court ruled that an accused student had a due-process right to cross-examination of his accuser in a college discipline hearing. That court ruling, just like the Supreme Court’s Lilly decision, touted cross-examination as ”the greatest legal engine ever invented” for uncovering the truth.

Colleges cannot ignore these court rulings in favor of accused students’ statutory and constitutional rights, even if Goldberg disagrees with them.

Hans Bader
Former Education Department Lawyer
Arlington, Va.

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Over Half of Accused Students Found Not Responsible by Campus Sex Tribunals

An analysis of annual reports from 48 colleges in 21 states reveals that 52.7% of campus sexual assault adjudications resulted in a finding of “not responsible” for the accused student – see table.

These online reports identify the outcomes for allegations of sexual assault hearings. The link to each report is embedded in the name of the College or University, first column in the Table, below. The information comes from both private and public institutions nationwide.

The analysis includes only reports that specifically identify the outcomes for adjudications involving allegations of sexual assault.  The information does not include other potential conduct code violations, such as sexual harassment and sexual exploitation.

This finding is similar to a 2017 NCHERM report titled “Due Process and the Sex Police” that stated, “annual summaries show that they are finding no violation of policy 60% of the time in their total case decisions.”

Most institutions review sexual misconduct cases based on the preponderance of evidence standard. In practice, this standard is essentially a measure of credibility of the statements of the accuser and the accused. The fact that a larger percentage of students was found not responsible demonstrates that most allegations investigated by colleges are determined to be unfounded.

Table: Outcomes of Campus Adjudications of Sexual Assault Claims at 48 Colleges

                                                                                                                                                    
COLLEGE/ UNIVERSITY

ENROLLMENT (2017)ii

TIME PERIODiii

RESPONSIBLEi

NOT RESPONSIBLE

Amherst College

1,849

2014

5

3

Augustana College

2,537

2016

2

1

Brown University*

9,781

2016-17

0

3

California State University -Chico

17,557

2017-18

3

4

Carleton College

2,105

2017-18

3

0

Case Western Reserve University*

11,664

2015-16

1

1

Central Connecticut State University

11,784

2017

1

3

College of William and Mary*

8,617

2016-17

4

9

Columbia University, NYC

29,372

2016-17

3

6

Cornell University

22,319

2016-17

5

8

Dartmouth College

6,409

2016-17

4

4

Delaware State University

4,328

2017

3

2

Eureka College

672

2016

3

24iv

Goldey-Beacom College

2,063

2017

8

9

Hamilton College

1,883

2016-17

4

3

Illinois State University v

21,039

2017

10

4

Indiana U.-Bloomington

49,695

2016-17

13

6

Indiana University -Purdue University -Indianapolis

29,804

2016-17

1

2

Lake Forest College

1,578

2016

2

1

Massachusetts Institute of Technology

11,376

2014-18

10

6

Michigan State University*

50,340

2016-17

16

16

Northwestern University

21,823

2016

4

2

Occidental College

1,969

2015-16

2

0

Oklahoma State University-Main Campusvi

25,622

2016-17

4

0

Park University

11,227

2017-18

1

2

Quinnipiac University

9,900

2017

1

0

Rhodes College

2,029

2017-18

1

3

Sacred Heart University

8,532

2017

1

1

San Jose State University vii

32,154

2016-17

4

1

Southern Connecticut State University

10,320

2017

2

0

Stanford University viii

17,184

2016-17

3

5

The California Maritime Academy

1,107

2017-18

0

1

University of Alaska Anchorage

16,318

2016-17

0

1

University of Alaska Fairbanks

8,283

2016-17

3

0

University of Arkansasix,*

27,194

2017-18

5

10

University of Bridgeport

5,658

2017

0

1

University of California-Irvine

32,754

2017-18

3

3

University of California- San Diego

34,979

2015

1

0

University of Chicagox

15,775

2016-17

3

6

University of Connecticutxi

27,721

2017

4

11

University of Delaware

23,009

2017

2

0

University of Hartford*

6,714

2017

1

4

University of Maryland-College Park

39,083

2016-17

4

6

University of Michigan- Ann Arbor

44,718

2017-18

0

3

University of Montana

12,419

2016-17

3

1

University of Oregon

23,546

2016

15

9

Western Michigan University*

23,227

2016-17

5

6

Yale University xii

12,458

2017-18

2

4

TOTAL:

175

195

PERCENTAGE:

47.3

52.7

i Decisions are mostly based on formal procedures. Exceptions for a few schools (noted below) include allegations that were screened out as not rising to the level of a policy violation. Few schools report those data, yet it is likely that many schools screen out allegations that do not rise to policy violations, suggesting that the percent not responsible would be larger than calculated here if schools reported the total number of allegations screened out. The number of decisions is usually the number of allegations, unless the report provides the number of respondents. Multiple allegations per respondent were more frequent than multiple respondents per allegation; hence the total number of decisions is somewhat greater than the number of respondents.

ii Enrollment data are from the US Dept. of Education, 2018.

iii The data represent one year from each school, usually the latest academic or calendar year for which a report is available (except MIT with 4 years).

iv If the large number of not responsible findings for this small school are considered an outlier, deleting the school’s data changes the total not responsible to 50%.

v Six “otherwise disciplined” students tallied as responsible in this table.

vi Unwelcome sexual touching and Exposure are not included in OSU’s definition of sexual assault.

vii Sexual battery is included here as sexual assault for SJSU.

viii Some of Stanford’s outcomes are ambiguous: 1 of 2 non-hearing resolutions were counted as responsible, the other is not clear and was not counted; 5 student decisions had an unspecified split between “no charge” and formal findings of not responsible. All 5 were counted as not responsible.

ix Count of 9 outcomes listed as “Available evidence did not support a charge of policy violation or necessitate further university investigation” were tallied here as not responsible.

x Sexual assault definition doesn’t include sexual abuse (non-consensual sexual contact).

xi Outcomes for employees not included here.

xii Not responsible total includes 1 screened out allegation.

* These 7 schools may have included a small number of allegations involving employees, teasing this out was not possible with the reported information.

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Appellate Court Decisions Generally Support Proposed Federal Regulations for Campus Sexual Assault

Contact: Rebecca Stewart

Telephone: 513-479-3335

Email: info@saveservices.org

Appellate Court Decisions Generally Support Proposed Federal Regulations for Campus Sexual Assault

WASHINGTON / January 7, 2019 – A report released today analyzes appellate court decisions on campus sexual assault, and concludes “the findings of the 14 appellate decisions are generally consistent with, and substantially enhance the legal basis for the provisions contained in the proposed Title IX regulations.”

The report analyzes 14 appellate rulings that were at least partly favorable to the accused student, and were issued from 2013 to 2018. Of the 14 decisions, eight were rendered in 2018 alone.

Among the 14 cases, five were decided by federal appellate courts and nine were resolved by state appellate courts. Four cases came from California appellate courts, three rulings from New York courts, and three from the 6th Circuit Court. Additional rulings came from the 1st, 2nd, and 4th Circuit Courts, and the Washington state appeals court.

The decisions highlighted due process deficiencies in eight areas: Insufficient hearing process, lack of cross-examination, insufficient notice, inadequate investigation, conflicting roles of college officials, improper use of witness testimony, potential sex bias, and misuse of affirmative consent policies.

The report then compares the appellate Judicial Findings with the due process provisions enumerated in a recent Notice of Proposed Rule-Making issued by the Department of Education (1). The analysis documents a general consistency between the appellate court rulings and the proposed regulatory changes.

Last week, the California Court of Appeal issued another decision in favor of the accused student. The court chided the University of Southern California for its reliance on a single-investigator approach, noting this practice “ignores the fundamental nature of cross-examination,” which is “incompatible” with any credible effort “to uncover the truth.” (2)

The SAVE Special Report is available online (3). A summary of the 14 cases is also available (4).

Citations:

  1. https://www.regulations.gov/document?D=ED-2018-OCR-0064-0001
  2. https://kcjohnson.files.wordpress.com/2019/01/usc-iv-decision.pdf
  3. http://www.saveservices.org/wp-content/uploads/Appellate-Court-Cases-Report.pdf
  4. http://www.saveservices.org/wp-content/uploads/Appellate-Court-Cases-Appendix.pdf

SAVE — Stop Abusive and Violent Environments — is working for effective and fair solutions to domestic violence and campus sexual assault: www.saveservices.org

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USC ignored likelihood that female student invented rape to not get fired, appeals court rules

Judges question ‘practical efficacy’ of fair hearing when single official does everythingThe era of serious punishments based on a single official’s investigation is over at the University of Southern California.

 

For the second time in less than a month, a California appeals court ruled that the private university denied a student accused of rape a fair hearing, and that the same Title IX official conducted a shoddy investigation.

The three-judge panel ordered a lower court to remove USC’s findings against “John Doe” from his record, and awarded him his costs on appeal. The university will also have to create procedures to allow accused students to cross-examine both their accusers and witnesses in some form.

This went even further than the previous appeals panel in the December ruling against USC, which explicitly declined to rule whether accused students have a right to cross-examine anyone beyond accusers.

“When credibility of witnesses is essential to a finding of sexual misconduct, the stakes at issue in the adjudication are high, the interests are significant, and the accused’s opportunity to confront adverse witnesses in the face of competing narratives is key,” said the opinion, written by Justice Thomas Willhite.

Challenging the December appeals panel even further, Willhite questioned whether the right to a fair hearing has “any practical efficacy” when a single official acts in the “overlapping and conflicting capacities” of prosecutor and tribunal.

“Under such circumstances, the performance of this key function is simply too important to entrust to the Title IX investigator in USC’s procedure,” Willhite wrote. His opinion was joined by Justice Audrey Collins and Orange County Superior Court Judge Kim Garlin Dunning, sitting by designation.

“The decision against USC appears to be consistent with the new Title IX guidelines” proposed by the Department of Education last fall, which are open to public comment through January, Doe’s lawyer Mark Hathaway wrote in an email.

‘The courts are making substantive changes,’ but USC did everything right

Both rulings fault the choices made by Title IX investigator Kegan Allee, particularly her failure to interview relevant witnesses and pursue exculpatory evidence.

USC staff identified in the past year’s rulings against the university appear to have not been sanctioned for their failures as documented by judges.

Allee is now listed as assistant director of the Title IX office. Two officials caught calling an accused student “motherfucker” – Gretchen Dahlinger Means and Patrick Noonan – still have their titles.

USC declined to answer College Fix questions about how it’s specifically changing procedures in response to the rulings, and on what timeline; when it promoted Allee (in video below), whether she’s still handling investigations, and how the rulings may affect her employment and personnel file; and whether Means and Noonan have experienced sanctions.

MOREHuge judgment against USC after calling accused student ‘motherfucker’

A spokesperson provided a statement Saturday that says the investigation at issue in Friday’s ruling, which started in fall 2014, “was conducted in compliance with its student conduct policies and with state and federal laws in place at the time of the investigation.”

USC emphasized that “no case in California required a private university to conduct a live hearing” when the lawsuit was brought, “or to permit the responding student to confront and cross examine either the complainant or witnesses”:

The courts are making substantive changes to the requirements for Title IX investigations. USC will keep abreast of these evolving judicial interpretations and requirements, and most importantly, remains committed to preventing all forms of misconduct on our campuses, to providing outstanding care to all students, and to ensuring we have policies and procedures that prioritize respect for our students and our entire university community.

Removal of sex-offender designation will help him ‘to some degree’

Though the accused student is identified pseudonymously in Friday’s ruling, he has been previously identified as former USC football player Bryce Dixon.

USC tried to head off Dixon’s lawsuit from the start, arguing he wasn’t eligible to return to USC. It expelled him in 2015 for “nonconsensual sex acts” with the accuser, “Jane Roe,” but the following year Dixon was sentenced to six years in prison for a string of violent robberies, according to the Los Angeles Times.

The university expelled him again after his conviction for “independent violations” of the student conduct code. It maintains that the lawsuit is moot because of this second unrelated expulsion.

Neither the trial judge nor appellate judges bought the university’s argument. USC has branded Dixon a sex offender, which will have “an immediate and lasting impact” on his life, from personal relationships to educational and employment opportunities, Friday’s ruling said.

Removing his sexual-misconduct expulsion from his record would make it easier for Dixon to transfer and restore his reputation “at least to some degree” for the public, it said.

A history of hooking up with football players – and being reprimanded

As with December’s ruling against USC, this Title IX proceeding involved alleged bruises on the accuser but no physical evidence.

Dixon was a freshman on a football scholarship when he had sex with Roe, a senior and student athletic trainer, just after midnight on Oct. 24, 2014.

Trainers had been warned not to “hook up” with athletes or they would lose their jobs. But according to Roe’s roommate of three years, “E.C.,” she had a history of sleeping with football players and had been “reprimanded for unprofessional conduct” before her encounter with Dixon.

The opinion notes that much of Allee’s interview with the roommate, including Roe’s relevant sexual history, was redacted in Allee’s notes. The investigator did not record interviews and only provided summaries of her raw notes in her report.

The Student Behavior Appeals Panel also refused to give the roommate’s redacted interview to Dixon, including an alleged “group text” warning to trainers, claiming it was irrelevant.

MOREAppeals court blasts USC for indifference to exculpatory evidence

Roe texted Dixon around 11:30 p.m. Oct. 23. She later told Allee that she was going to his place to smoke marijuana with him after getting “tipsy.” She said he forcefully groped her as they walked to a taco stand together, yet Roe agreed to return with him to his apartment, believing they would only smoke together, not have sex.

E.C. and Roe’s other roommates had “teased” her about the likelihood she would “hook up” with Dixon before she went over. To convince them she wouldn’t, Roe texted one of them continually while she was with Dixon. “None of Roe’s texts expressed discomfort about the way Doe touched her,” the judges note.

Dixon denied in his interview that Roe smoked any marijuana with him. His intentions for that night were clear, as revealed by a series of “flirtatious texts” that Allee left out of her report, the judges note. Dixon told Roe she “should wear nothing” and “come over naked” to his place, and she responded “Hahaha no I’m not going over to your place naked” and she couldn’t “guarantee anything.”

While claiming she couldn’t remember several details of the night, Roe told Allee that Dixon made her touch his penis, roughly grabbed her breast and then had rough sex with her while she protested. He put his hand over her mouth at one point. Roe said she was “repulsed” by how quickly Dixon moved to sexual intercourse and claimed he didn’t use a condom.