Categories
Title IX

DeVos restores fairness to campus sexual misconduct cases

Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos.
Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos.ALEX WONG/GETTY

Last summer, Yale University settled a lawsuit by former basketball captain Jack Montague, alleging that the university unfairly expelled him for sexual misconduct. Montague, the son of an electrical contractor and bookkeeper from Tennessee, was kicked out of Yale midway through his senior year after a female student told a Title IX investigator that, during the previous school year, she hadn’t fully consented to a fourth sexual encounter with the basketball star. Montague’s suit against Yale argued (among other things) that the college’s investigation was biased and conducted in bad faith.

In 2017, Amherst College settled a lawsuit by an Asian-American former student known only as “John Doe,” who also claimed he was unjustly expelled for sexual misconduct. A female student who willingly performed oral sex on Doe claimed, almost two years later, that she had withdrawn her consent midway through the act. Doe said he had blacked out during their rendezvous and argued that text messages from the female student to a third party about the encounter demonstrated that she was a willing participant.

 

 

Like Montague, Doe sued his former college arguing that the school’s investigatory tribunal was more interested in appearing tough on sexual misconduct than it was in ascertaining the truth.

Montague and Doe are not alone. According to a recent review by Samantha Harris, vice president at the Foundation for Individual Rights, and K.C. Johnson, a professor of American History at Brooklyn College, more than 340 students penalized for sexual misconduct by Orwellian campus tribunals have brought federal lawsuits against their schools. (Many more have sued in state court). Federal courts have issued more than 90 decisions favorable to accused students, and colleges have settled more than 70 additional cases prior to any decision.

The Harris and Johnson survey suggests that attempts to address sexual assault on campus, although well intentioned, have done so at the expense of fairness, and, in many cases, the truth. That may change when Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos issues final federal regulations governing the way schools investigate sexual harassment and assault.

Although for many years colleges showed little interest in combating campus sexual assault or providing resources for victims, over the past decade, the pendulum has swung in the opposite direction.

Today, many campuses define sexual misconduct broadly to include behavior that does not violate the law. Some define any sex under the influence of alcohol as non-consensual. Others require verbal consent to be obtained at each and every stage of coupling.

More disturbingly, many colleges employ investigatory procedures that are less fair to the accused than even the dreaded Star Chamber — procedures that eliminate the presumption of innocence and deny accused students any meaningful opportunity to tell their side of the story or question witnesses.

The new regulations that DeVos is expected to issue soon attempt to restore balance by formalizing the obligations of schools to address claims of sexual misconduct, but also requiring that schools investigate such claims fairly.

The rules are expected to allow the accused to submit “exculpatory” evidence — evidence that supports his or her version of events, such as witness testimony, text messages, or proof of continued sexual relations — and allow the accused to cross-examine adverse witnesses. To protect accusers, the regulations are also expected to contain a “rape shield” provision that prohibits inappropriate questioning about an accuser’s sexual past.

DeVos has made every effort to balance the rights of the accuser and the rights of the accused, while providing colleges and universities the tools to assess claims accurately and punish misconduct.

Nevertheless, activists are calling the new regulations “intimidating and stressful, even “trauma-inducing,” for survivors. Others are calling for “massive national student resistance,” and demanding that colleges and universities ignore them. Four Democratic congresswomen recently introduced legislation to block the regulations, and former vice president Joe Biden has promised that, if elected, he will repeal the DeVos regulations and reinstate older guidelines that encouraged schools to lower the burden of proof in cases of sexual misconduct.

Perhaps the federal Department of Education shouldn’t micromanage college disciplinary procedures at all. But policy makers like DeVos are right to remind schools that, although federal law prohibits schools from responding to claims of sexual misconduct in a discriminatory way, schools should take care to handle all claims fairly and with due process.

Jennifer C. Braceras is director of Independent Women’s Law Center.

https://www.bostonglobe.com/2020/01/02/opinion/devos-restores-fairness-campus-sexual-misconduct-cases/

Categories
Title IX

6th Circuit Returns Title IX To Its Davis Roots (Updated)

6th Circuit Returns Title IX To Its Davis Root (Updated)

You might have read about the Supreme Court’s decision in Davis v. Monroe County Board of Education. It’s been discussed here numerous times. But it’s never mentioned in anything written by a Title IX activist group or article about “survivors” or the rape epidemic on campus. No college dean ever refers to it, although the lawyers for universities know it very well when their school is sued by an alleged victim.

The reason for this is plain: the law from which the Title IX campus sex industry was born fails to support its existence and, by its explicit words, contradicts the existence of the unlawful scheme forced upon colleges by the bureaucrats in control of the Department of Education’s Office of Civil Rights in their “Dear Colleague Letters.”

They desperately want to push their bastardization of the law, purported “guidance” with denial of federal funding as the club to beat schools into submission, even though it never went through the regulatory process required by the Administrative Procedures Act and was created out of whole cloth to push and normalize a radical anti-male sexual agenda. And over time, Davis was ignored and forgotten.

Sixth Circuit Judge Alice Batchelder, however, remembers.

A victim of “student-on-student sexual harassment” has a private cause of action against the school under Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 (Title IX), 86 Stat. 373, codified as 20 U.S.C. § 1681, et seq., based on the formula first set out in Davis v. Monroe County Board of Education, 526 U.S. 629 (1999). Under that formula, the sexual harassment must meet a certain standard and the evidence must satisfy the elements for an intentional tort. Our particular focus in this appeal is on the requirements that the harassment must be “pervasive” and the school’s response must “cause” the injury.

Title IX does not prohibit peer-on-peer sexual harassment. Note the words “sexual harassment,” as it has nothing to do with rape or sexual assault, per se, but only to the extent those words related to sexual harassment. Rather, Title IX relates only to the school’s duty not to discriminate on the basis of sex. It can’t refuse to field a women’s fencing team if it has a men’s team, as that would be discriminatory. But nothing in the law has ever required a college to become intimately embroiled in the ordinary student-on-student interactions and relationships.

In Davis, the Supreme Court laid it out in a clear test.

It is not necessary to show an overt, physical deprivation of access to school resources to make out a damages claim for sexual harassment under Title IX, but a plaintiff must show harassment that is so severe, pervasive, and objectively offensive, and that so undermines and detracts from the victims’ educational experience, that the victims are effectively denied equal access to an institution’s resources and opportunities. (Emphasis added.)

Notably, these three prongs, set forth in the conjunctive, appeared nowhere in the DCL. Catherine Lhamon, then head of the OCR, decided that she, an unelected bureaucrat, got to make up her own test, unbound by the Supreme Court, whose test was too stringent for her tastes.

This not only gave rise to colleges creating policies and procedures the law neither required nor sanctioned, but created a false belief in the entitlement of female students to have Big Brother oversee their every sexual encounter and punish male students when, and whenever, they felt it wasn’t to their satisfaction. Nothing in Davis gave rise to this “right” of female students to demand colleges vindicate their sexual choices and feelings with other students. Yet, it’s taken for granted that women can turn to their school to punish any male against whom they raise a grievance.

But what if the harassment complained of is as bad as the Davis test requires?

In short, we hold that a student-victim plaintiff must plead, and ultimately prove, that the school had actual knowledge of actionable sexual harassment and that the school’s deliberate indifference to it resulted in further actionable sexual harassment against the student-victim, which caused the Title IX injuries.

This is a critical aspect of a university’s duty, that assuming the harassment rose to the level that implicated any Title IX duty at all, it was not the one-time act of sex which was subsequently regretted, but only sexual harassment that occurred afterward, after the student-on-student encounter, after the school was alerted and after the school was “deliberately indifferent” to that particular accuser’s complaint.

In other words, unless there was substantive reason to believe that a student would persist in “severe, pervasive and objectively offensive” conduct after the university was alerted to a complaint, and then was deliberately indifferent, Title IX wasn’t implicated at all. The vast majority of Title IX complaints fail to meet the stringent criteria for sexual harassment, and almost none of them involve conduct that went beyond a one-time sexual encounter.

In other words, there was no on-going conduct to address and nothing more than “don’t do it again” needed to satisfy the deliberate indifference prong. Expelling male students for sex where a woman enthusiastically consented to, if not initiated, sex when she was moderately drunk (though not incapacitated) finds no justification in the law whatsoever. This was never a requirement of Title IX. Not even close.

A student-victim’s subjective dissatisfaction with the school’s response is immaterial to whether the school’s response caused the claimed Title IX violation. Because none of the plaintiffs in this case suffered any actionable sexual harassment after the school’s response, they did not suffer “pervasive” sexual harassment as set out in Davis and they cannot meet the causation element.

Colleges have long hidden behind the DCL from OCR as justification for destroying the lives of male students in order to “fulfill” their duties under the law. As the Sixth Circuit holds, this is a lie, a falsehood perpetuated by “survivor” activists and their friends in media, who have created a mythology on campus of entitlement to punishment of males for sexual encounters between students.

It’s not the law. It was never the law. And schools’ claims that the law required them to manufacture procedures to protect their female students and ruin their male students has no greater basis in law than did Lhamon’s Dear Colleague Letter.

Update: At Inside Higher Ed, Title IX activist Laura Dunn is not happy with the decision.

“What judges should keep in mind is that it’s a choice,” Dunn said. “There’s an ability to interpret the law and you have to decide what perspective you’re coming from. A lot of conservative ones think, ‘We’re going to be close to the law.’ I really suggest you think about the effect on social issues … That’s a horrible ruling and a horrible reality to subject victims to. This judge has no understanding beyond the law of how her words will impact survivors.”

But there’s more:

“Sexual assault does not need to be pervasive — it can happen once and that’s enough,” Dunn said. “You’re not only narrowing the law, you’re pretty flagrantly narrowing it so far to render it almost useless.”

Except the Supreme Court held that if it’s not “pervasive,” Title IX doesn’t apply, and as of this point in time, Dunn has no vote on SCOTUS. Rarely has anyone so clearly argued that their position is wholly unsupported by law, but they want courts to ignore the law and rule to achieve their preferred social policy.

Categories
Title IX

Students accused of sexual misconduct say Title IX isn’t working – and victims agree

Watch the CBSN Originals documentary “Speaking Frankly: Title IX” in the video player above. The full hour special premieres Sunday, November 24, at 8 p.m., 11 p.m. and 2 a.m. ET on CBSN.


Los Angeles — On a sunny August afternoon, a steady stream of phone calls poured into the small law office of Hathaway Parker. The firm specializes in representing students or faculty involved in a Title IX sexual misconduct investigation on campus. They typically represent respondents, or those who were accused of misconduct, though they have also represented complainants. The lawyers say they don’t think the process works very well for anyone involved.

“I don’t think anyone ever thought that colleges and universities would be adjudicating and holding court regarding sexual crimes in America,” says Mark Hathaway, a partner at the firm. “But that’s what it’s developed into.”

Title IX is a 1972 law that prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex in federally-funded educational institutions. Initially intended to ensure female students equal access to education as their male counterparts, it has since significantly expanded in scope.

“One of the best ways to think about Title IX is that in 1972, Congress threw a pebble into a pond [and] the ripples have continued outward for more than 40 years,” explains Brett Sokolow, a lawyer and the president of the Association of Title IX Administrators (ATIXA). “Through the 1980s, Title IX really came to be almost all about sports and equity in athletics. … In the 1990s, the courts again expanded Title IX when they were asked the question, ‘Would sexual harassment create a barrier to educational opportunities for women?’ The court said, ‘Yes.’”

The courts decided that schools have a responsibility to investigate cases of sexual misconduct, and those that aren’t in compliance risk losing federal funding. But critics say the federal government has not clearly mandated how schools should handle these cases, and guidance between administrations has been inconsistent, so educational institutions often interpret the guidelines differently.

“So in one school there may be decisions that tend to be victim-favoring, at another school there may tend to be a process that is favoring the respondent,” says Sokolow.

A former student in the California State University system who was accused of sexual misconduct claims the Title IX investigator found him responsible without providing him due process: “There was no sexual details so I wouldn’t even know what to say to that. I was completely denying it. It didn’t happen … I did everything I could, every single thing. I appealed everything. They still expelled me,” he said.

Even though sexual harassment and assault are crimes in the eyes of the law, Title IX investigations are not criminal investigations, and therefore do not abide by the same rules as those followed by a criminal court. According to 2011 guidance from the Obama Administration, only a “preponderance of evidence” is required to determine whether the accused is responsible and should be disciplined — a much lower standard than criminal courts require for a conviction. A judgment of guilt in a Title IX investigation cannot lead to an arrest or a criminal record for the accused, but it some cases it can result in expulsion from the school.

“The students have no right to an attorney. The evidence isn’t given to them until right before the hearing. Often times it’s heavily redacted. There’s unknown witnesses,” says Hathaway. “So it’s like the school prosecuting a student but the student is really left to fend for themselves and usually it doesn’t fare well for them.” Although Title IX cases are not criminal proceedings, the findings can have a significant impact on students’ futures, so an increasing number of those involved are bringing lawsuits against their schools.

According to Title IX For All, a database that tracks lawsuits filed by respondents in higher education Title IX proceedings, there are 140 active lawsuits against colleges and universities filed by students who say they were denied due process. But it’s not just the respondents who say the Title IX system is failing them.

Two female students, who were represented by Equal Rights Advocates (ERA) after filing Title IX complaints against fellow students for alleged rape, said that they found the process only compounded the trauma they suffered.

“Reporting it didn’t really help at all. It kind of made matters worse,” said one of the women, who filed a Title IX complaint in her freshman year and has since changed schools. She’s now in her senior year. “They switched the Title IX coordinator in the middle of my process. I had to restart the entire process. So that meant re-investigating everything, opening everything up. The statements that I had written before, all the times were wrong. The dates were wrong. … It seemed that nothing was being resolved, and it was kind of stagnant.”

“There’s never going to be a way to know in any individual case with complete certainty, probably, that a sexual misconduct act occurred,” said Brenda Adams, a senior attorney at ERA who represents complainants in Title IX cases. “But I think, again, the focus is not on whether or not someone was falsely accused of a crime. It’s more whether or not this particular type of school misconduct occurred. And whether or not it is interfering with the victim’s access to education.”

Lara Bazelon, a law professor at the University of California San Francisco, says Title IX investigations can be extremely complicated, and the system we have in place just isn’t helping.

“One thing I have come to believe is that both sides can be genuinely, equally convinced that their version of events is true. That one side really believes that the encounter was consensual, and the other side truly believes that it was not. And neither person is lying. And that makes these cases so incredibly difficult to litigate and also for anybody to decide,” she says.

“So that’s why I think we really need to look seriously at some kind of alternative to the way we’re doing things now, because I don’t think you’ll find anybody who is going to sit here and tell you with a straight face that what we are doing right now with Title IX on college campuses is working.”

Categories
Title IX

‘Game On!’: Acquitted of Rape, Ex-Student Sues Yale University for $110 Million

Yale University.Yale University. Photo: Shutterstock

Saifullah Khan, who has been banned from Yale University on two occasions, including on an allegation of rape, has sued the institution for $110 million.

In the midst of the #MeToo movement, the Khan case has garnered state and national attention. Protests and petitions calling for Khan to be expelled from the university erupted soon after the rape allegations, and continued even after a jury acquitted him of the charge in March 2018 and Khan sought reinstatement.

Now, Khan’s high-profile attorney Norm Pattis is looking to make political correctness in the era of #MeToo a central focus.

Khan filed a federal lawsuit Friday against the university and a dozen Yale officials seeking the $110 million in damages. Pattis said his client came up with the $110 million figure.

“Whatever is going on in college campuses today is not good,” the Pattis & Smith founder said in an interview Friday, just hours after filing the 28-page lawsuit. “Mr. Khan was acquitted by a jury, and Yale [buckled] under to the PC crowd, and threw him out. The Khan acquittal captured national attention. This is the dark side of the #MeToo movement. It’s sexual and moral hysteria. Well, game on!”

Pattis said his client had sex with his peer, but did not rape her.

“Yale realizes young people on campus experiment. They distribute condoms in the laundry room, for God’s sake,” Pattis said. “What do they expect kids are doing in the middle of the night? Yale is hypocritical, and they should come back to the 21st century.”

In the lawsuit, Pattis takes further aim at Yale, writing, “The campus is also in the thrall of various claims of identity entitlement, rendering the campus less a place of unbridled intellectual stimulation, and more a smug hothouse catering to social justice warriors intent on remaking the world in their own image.”

As of Friday afternoon, Yale had not assigned an attorney to represent it. And no one from the university’s office of public affairs and communications responded to a request for comment.

Khan, a 26-year-old Afghan, became a full-time Yale student in the fall of 2012. He was expelled soon after the allegations of rape in October 2015 by a female student became public. Khan sought readmission after his March 2018 acquittal. Yale allowed him to resume his studies as a full-time student in the fall of 2018.

But the lawsuit alleges Khan was then expelled again in October 2018. The lawsuit cites a Yale Daily News story in which Khan is alleged to have had a sexual relationship with a man and then committed physical violence because he slapped him. The Oct. 5, 2018, article, which students write, was titled “Khan and his consort.” Just days after the article appeared, Khan, the lawsuit states, was told he was suspended, effective immediately, due to an “emergency.” The lawsuit says the Yale newspaper article includes claims that “were never proven or substantiated.”

The lawsuit elaborates: “According to Dean [Marvin] Chun, the suspension ‘appears necessary for your physical and emotional safety and well-being and/or the safety and well-being of the university community.’” The lawsuit says Khan was barred from campus and prohibited from attending any classes.

With regard to what Chun said, the lawsuit states: “There is no credible evidence that permitting Mr. Khan to attend classes poses a threat of harm to himself or anyone affiliated with Yale. Indeed, there was no reason whatsoever to suspect that Mr. Khan was a danger to himself or others as a result of the allegations reported in the Yale Daily News in October 2018.”

Then, the lawsuit says, one month later in November 2018, Khan was permitted to return to campus for a hearing on the Jane Doe 2015 sexual assault allegation. But the lawsuit states that the hearing was “a mere sham,” and Khan is still not permitted at the university.

Among other things, the lawsuit says, his counsel was not afforded the right to speak. It claims Khan could “neither pose questions to witnesses, not tender objections when panel members repeatedly asked compound questions, assumed facts not in evidence, or otherwise transformed the hearing process into little more than the stillborn delivery of a predetermined outcome.”

The lawsuit cites loss of reputation, emotional distress and suffering and loss of educational opportunities.

Read more:

Suspended Yale Student Acquitted in Halloween Rape Case

Categories
Title IX

New Title IX regulations are coming. FIRE’s newest report shows why reform is desperately needed.

December 11, 2019

REPORT: 7 in 10 top universities do not expressly guarantee the presumption of innocence in campus sexual misconduct proceedings.
ZERO surveyed institutions guarantee all basic due process protections, or even those required under the Department of Education’s proposed Title IX regulations.
Almost 9 in 10 universities earned a D or an F for sexual misconduct policies; proposed regulations would raise grades to C or better.
PHILADELPHIA, Dec. 11, 2019 — Innocent until proven guilty? Not on college campuses.

Top universities fail to provide students accused of campus misconduct with fair procedures, according to a new report from the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education.

With new Department of Education regulations on Title IX enforcement expected soon, FIRE’s report shows that colleges currently fail to provide students with even the most basic due process protections. This means that many colleges’ policies may have to be revised significantly after the regulations go into effect.

“Would you feel comfortable defending yourself without information about what you supposedly did wrong? Would you trust a jury that didn’t get a chance to see all the evidence? You shouldn’t — but college students across the country routinely face these troubling circumstances,” said FIRE’s Susan Kruth, lead author of the report. “Disciplinary procedures at top universities aren’t fundamentally fair because they don’t guarantee even the most basic safeguards against incorrect conclusions.”

“Spotlight on Due Process 2019–2020” examines policies at 53 top national universities to see how many of 10 fundamental procedural safeguards they guarantee students. These include basic protections familiar to all Americans, such as the presumption of innocence, the right to impartial fact-finders, and the right to appeal. Of the 53 universities studied, 49 receive an overall D or F grade for guaranteeing no more than 4 of those 10 safeguards.

Most institutions maintain one set of policies for charges of sexual misconduct and another for all other non-academic misconduct, such as theft or physical assault. Notably, of the 22 institutions that received an F grade for their sexual misconduct policies, 17 have been sued by accused students over the lack of fair procedure.

Less than 30% of top universities expressly guarantee the presumption of innocence in all serious non-academic misconduct cases, and less than 60% explicitly require that fact-finders — the institution’s version of a jury — be impartial. Only 28% guarantee a meaningful hearing, where each party may see and hear the evidence being presented to fact-finders by the opposing party, before a finding of responsibility.

Although universities do not guarantee their students fair disciplinary procedures, it’s clear that students overwhelmingly want them to. Each element in FIRE’s report is supported by a majority of college students surveyed by YouGov for FIRE in 2018 about their views on campus due process protections:

85% of students think their accused classmates should be presumed innocent until proven guilty, but only 28% of America’s top universities explicitly guarantee students that protection.
Although three-quarters of students support cross-examination, only 1 in 10 institutions guarantees students or their representatives a meaningful opportunity to cross-examine witnesses.
This landscape may shift if the proposed Department of Education regulations on Title IX — the 1972 law that prohibits sex discrimination in federally funded educational programs — are enacted. Today, 87% of institutions receive a D or F grade for their failure to protect the due process rights of students accused of sexual misconduct. Enacting only the proposed regulations would raise surveyed universities’ grades to a C or better.

“All over the country, students accused of misconduct on campus routinely face life-altering consequences without any of the procedural protections one would expect in such serious cases,” said Samantha Harris, FIRE vice president for procedural advocacy. “It looks like the Department of Education’s new regulations will ensure greater due process for students involved in certain types of cases, but universities should already be providing these important protections in all cases of serious non-academic misconduct.”

“Spotlight on Due Process 2019–2020” can be read in full on FIRE’s website. For more information about FIRE’s student survey, see “Proceeding Accordingly: What Students Think about Due Process on Campus.”

The Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated to defending and sustaining the individual rights of students and faculty members at America’s colleges and universities. These rights include freedom of speech, freedom of association, due process, legal equality, religious liberty, and sanctity of conscience — the essential qualities of liberty.

CONTACT:

Daniel Burnett, Assistant Director of Communications, FIRE: 215-717-3473; media@thefire.org

Categories
Title IX

Betsy DeVos is not backing down on proposal to rein in ‘kangaroo courts’

‘If everything is harassment, then nothing is’

 

A year after the Department of Education proposed changes to regulations on campus sexual misconduct investigations – and nine months after the public comment period closed – the final regulations have yet to be released.

Opponents of due process in Title IX proceedings are still trying to weaken the proposal, scheduling meetings with the Office of Management and Budget until the week before Christmas.

If anyone was concerned that Secretary Betsy DeVos* was buckling under the pressure from the “Believe Survivors” lobby and its allies across the mainstream media, she dispelled those concerns in a speech to the Independent Women’s Forum, which gave her its “Woman of Valor” award Wednesday.

Brooklyn College Prof. KC Johnson, who chronicles Title IX litigation, pointed out that DeVos’s remarks “don’t suggest an intent to weaken” the proposed changes despite the long-delayed release of the final rules.

DeVos connected her department’s work to rein in “kangaroo courts” with her guiding principle that “government is generally not the solution to any problem,” especially in education:

So, we are working to dismantle the government social engineering in education, including the previous administration’s staggering overreach on Title IX. …

Justice demands humility, prudence, and truth. And the truth is: the so-called “guidance” by the prior administration [the “Dear Colleague” letters] failed too many students.

Here is what we know happens: a student says he or she was sexually assaulted on campus. If he or she isn’t urged to keep quiet or discouraged from reporting it to local law enforcement, the case goes to a school administrator. The accused may or may not be told of the allegations. If there is a hearing, both the accuser and the accused may or may not be allowed legal representation.

Whatever evidence is presented may or may not be shown to all parties. Whatever witnesses—if even allowed to be called—may or may not be cross-examined. And government dictated that schools must use the lowest standard of proof.

And now this campus official—who may or may not have any training in adjudicating sexual misconduct—is expected to render a judgement. A judgement that changes lives.

The department’s proposed regulation will “simply balance” the scales of justice, not tilt them, as opponents characterize it, she continued. It requires “basic due process protections” while offering schools “a menu of things schools … to help survivors heal from trauma and continue their education.”

DeVos connected Title IX overreach to the speech police on campus, which seek to “enforce ambiguous and incredibly broad definitions of assault and harassment”:

Too many cases involve students and faculty who faced investigation and punishment for only speaking their minds or teaching their classes.

Any perceived offense can become a full-blown Title IX investigation.

But if everything is harassment, then nothing is.

Punishing speech protected by the First Amendment trivializes actual harassment. Harassment codes which trample freedom of speech derail the primary mission of a school—of learning… [sic] that is, to pursue truth.

DeVos noted the University of Michigan has permanently shuttered its bias response team to settle a First Amendment lawsuit, but she expressed incredulity that the taxpayer-funded university “still employs 76 diversity-related administrators who cost taxpayers and students more than 10 million dollars in compensation every year. They focus on every kind of diversity except a diversity of ideas.”

The Trump administration stands against the “teams of speech bullies with the power to punish perpetrators of hurt feelings” at more than 200 colleges across the country, she said.

“Feelings are important, but learning isn’t about feelings. It’s about thinking. … This Administration won’t let students be silenced. We stand with their right to speak and with their right to learn truth.”

Read her full remarks.

*Disclosure

Categories
Campus Investigations Title IX

PR: To Minimize Liability Threat, SAVE Urges Immediate Discontinuation of Trauma-Informed Investigations

Contact: Rebecca Stewart

Telephone: 513-479-3335

Email: info@saveservices.org

To Minimize Liability Threat, SAVE Urges Immediate Discontinuation of Trauma-Informed Investigations

WASHINGTON / November 4, 2019 – A scientific article published last week has strongly criticized the use of “trauma-informed’ investigations on college campuses. Trauma-informed methods attribute inconsistencies and contradictions in a complainant’s statements to the trauma she allegedly experienced (1). Titled “Title IX Investigations: The Importance of Training Investigators in Evidence-Based Approaches to Interviewing” (2), the article provides a detailed analysis of the research basis for the use of trauma-informed methods by Title IX investigators.

Written by Iowa State University professors Christian Meissner and Adrienne Lyles, the article concludes:

— “We know of no scientific studies that support this contention of neurobiological response differences between perpetrators and victims.”

— “A search of the available research literature yielded no published, peer-reviewed studies on the efficacy or effectiveness of FETI.” Forensic Experiential Trauma Interviews, known as “FETI,” are a trauma-informed method widely used on college campuses.

The Meissner and Lyles analysis was the third article published in recent months that analyzed and refuted trauma-informed precepts. In September, the Center for Prosecutor Integrity issued a report on trauma-informed concepts that concluded, “The impacts of trauma on memories and recall are widely variable. The stress accompanying and resulting from trauma may produce strong memories, impair memories, have no effect on memories, or increase the possibility of false memories.” (3)

A third article specifically warned of the liability risk of Title IX administrators attending such guilt-presuming training courses: “You will need to assess whether you can afford to have a non-empirical, biased training on your resume in this age of litigation,” according to the Association of Title IX Administrators (4).

The use of trauma-informed and other unproven investigative methods places universities at liability risk. A 2017 analysis of 130 lawsuits against universities found investigative failures were the most commonly listed allegation (5). A 2019 analysis of lawsuits in which the judge ruled against the university identified dozens of cases in which biased investigations were listed as significant allegations of fact (6).

Investigative journalist Emily Yoffee has written about trauma-informed philosophy, “The spread of an inaccurate science of trauma is an object lesson in how good intentions can overtake critical thinking, to potentially harmful effect….University professors and administrators should understand this. And they, of all people, should identify and call out junk science.” (7)

Citations:

  1. http://www.prosecutorintegrity.org/sa/trauma-informed/
  2. Christian A. Meissner, Adrienne M. Lyles. Title IX Investigations: The Importance of Training Investigators in Evidence-Based Approaches to Interviewing. Journal of Applied Research in Memory and Cognition, 2019.
  3. http://www.prosecutorintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/Review-of-Neurobiology-of-Trauma-9.1.2019.docx
  4. https://cdn.atixa.org/website-media/atixa.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/20123741/2019-ATIXA-Trauma-Position-Statement-Final-Version.pdf
  5. https://www.proskauer.com/report/title-ix-report-the-accused-08-28-2017
  6. http://www.saveservices.org/sexual-assault/complaints-and-lawsuits/lawsuit-analysis/

7. The Bad Science Behind Campus Response to Sexual Assault. https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2017/09/the-bad-science-behind-campus-response-to-sexual-assault/539211/

Categories
Title IX

Training for Title IX investigators lacks tested, effective techniques

Date:
October 28, 2019
Source:
Iowa State University
Summary:
Interviews are the central component of any Title IX investigation, but new research finds the techniques investigators are using may not be the most effective. Researchers evaluated the available training programs for investigators and identified techniques and suggested practices at odds with science-based interviewing strategies.

Interviews are the central component of any Title IX investigation, but new research finds the techniques investigators are using may not be the most effective.

Iowa State University researchers Christian Meissner and Adrienne Lyles evaluated the available training programs for investigators and identified techniques and suggested practices at odds with science-based interviewing strategies. Lyles, associate director of Equal Opportunity, senior deputy Title IX coordinator and associate teaching professor in philosophy at Iowa State, says the findings, published in the Journal of Applied Research in Memory and Cognition, are consistent with her experience.

“The training is not comprehensive. Many of the programs I attended were offered by for-profit companies and law firms,” Lyles said. “The law firms focused on how to avoid litigation and the for-profit companies were very generic and not evidence- or research-based practice.”

Lyles and Meissner, a professor of psychology, started working together to address these weaknesses and recommend a set of evidence-based practices for Title IX investigative interviews. Meissner leads an international research team developing interview methods for the FBI, CIA and other law enforcement agencies to reduce false confessions and effectively gather information. He says the techniques work in any type of investigation.

“The goal of any investigative interview, regardless of who you are interviewing, is to gather a complete and accurate recollection from a subject in a manner that will move an investigation forward,” Meissner said. “These techniques are very effective at providing people an opportunity to tell their story absent any preconceptions or biases on behalf of the investigator.”

Building rapport, trust

Title IX procedures are in place to protect students from discrimination and harassment, Lyles said, and the process and purpose are very different from the criminal justice system. There is a greater focus on education rather than punishment. To ensure due process and neutrality, she says investigators must be impartial when interviewing the complainant, respondent and witnesses. Ultimately, investigators must assess the credibility of a complaint and determine if there is a violation of Title IX policy.

Some of the training programs Lyles and Meissner examined suggest that investigators can determine the veracity of a Title IX complaint by watching the behavior of the respondent during the interview. The researchers say there is no evidence to support the effectiveness of such an approach. They also found no scientific evidence that victims and perpetrators have different neurobiological responses to the same event, as some programs claimed.

Meissner says using evidence-based techniques can help investigators build rapport and trust to elicit as much information as possible and facilitate memory recall. It is important for Title IX investigators to get a complete and detailed account during the initial interview so the individuals involved do not have to tell their story multiple times. By asking the right questions and using evidence strategically, Meissner says they can accomplish those goals.

“By asking open-ended questions, investigators avoid inserting any bias,” Meissner said. “If they have information from social media, video surveillance and witnesses, they can use that evidence strategically to assess credibility of the subject and verify the information they have collected.”

Recommendations for investigators

In the paper, Meissner and Lyles outline the following recommendations for developing evidence-based interviewing best practices for Title IX investigations:

  • Limit bias during the interview: Investigators should utilize interview approaches to limit biased or leading questions and not presume the respondent engaged in misconduct.
  • Develop rapport and facilitate cooperation: An empathic, nonjudgmental and collaborative approach can facilitate conversation and reduce reluctance to cooperate.
  • Enhance retrieval of accurate information from memory: Research has consistently shown the value of open-ended questions, followed by relevant probe questions (who, what, when, why).
  • Use strategic questions to assess credibility: Asking subjects for verifiable details and using strategic questioning approaches that facilitate memory and reporting can significantly improve assessments of credibility.

Lyles says Iowa State has developed a standard practice guide incorporating science-based investigative interviewing techniques. By sharing this information, she hopes other schools will do the same.

“We’re trying to create some standards for good investigative practice,” Lyles said. “As investigators we are neutral fact-finders. We do not advocate for any party. It is our job to be impartial and unbiased. It is important that the process not advantage or disadvantage any party.”

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Materials provided by Iowa State UniversityNote: Content may be edited for style and length.

Categories
Title IX

NAS Commends President Trump’s Executive Orders: No More Law by Dear Colleague Letter

Last week President Trump signed two Executive Orders that significantly curb our current rule by bureaucracy – now also known as the Administrative State. The National Association of Scholars commends President Trump for these orders, “Promoting the Rule of Law Through Improved Agency Guidance Documents” and  “Promoting the Rule of Law Through Transparency and Fairness in Civil Administrative Enforcement and Adjudication.”

The Orders will have implications for colleges and universities and in particular for campus Title IX offices, which have mushroomed alongside expanding governmental agencies.

Title IX refers to the 1972 federal law banning sex discrimination in schools receiving federal funds. Title IX also served as the pretext for vast administrative expansions under the Clinton and Obama administrations. The Clinton administration announced that “nondiscrimination” meant parity in funding for female and male athletics; Obama declared that sexual violence should be treated as sex discrimination. In both instances, these Presidents introduced significant policy changes by administrative fiat, sidestepping the legislature and skirting the formal rule-making process required by the Administrative Procedure Act (the APA)—ultimately avoiding democratic input and accountability.

The Obama Title IX directive was especially egregious: Through a 2011 Dear Colleague Letter, the Obama Education Department effectively ordered campus Title IX Offices to investigate and punish alleged sex offenders without due process protections for the accused. As a result, nearly 500 students denied justice are now filing lawsuits against their colleges and universities, claiming they were wrongly accused and denied their due process rights. President Trump’s Education Secretary Betsy DeVos rescinded the Letter in 2017 and is expected next month to issue new regulations, which did receive public comment and input.

President Trump’s Executive Orders take direct aim at this practice of law by Dear Colleague Letter – or law by any such informal document that skips the steps necessary for democratic legitimacy. The first Order, “Promoting the Rule of Law Through Improved Agency Guidance Documents, requires that any guidance statement from a federal agency be publicly posted and accessible in an online agency database, with the clarification that it is not binding law. The second Order, “Promoting the Rule of Law Through Transparency and Fairness in Civil Administrative Enforcement and Adjudication, allows agency enforcement action only when those affected have had the opportunity to respond to such action and when the public has had prior notice of the agency’s jurisdiction and standards for legal conduct.

Much attention has been paid to judicial activism, where judges read their preferred policies into statutes or the Constitution, resulting in law by judicial fiat. But law by bureaucracy is just as pernicious and perhaps more insidious. The bureaucracy, unlike the judiciary, is often nameless and faceless.  The result in both cases is the same, of course: Depriving citizens of a government of, by, and for the people.  NAS supports measures to prevent this and thanks President Trump for this executive action.

Categories
Title IX

Trauma-Informed Dispute

Investigators of campus sexual assaults usually avoid bluntly asking victims to recall their attacks in vivid detail. This “trauma-informed” approach is used widely in investigations and is based on the belief that officials should not subject rape survivors to reliving such disturbing experiences without an empathetic ear.

The theory of trauma-informed care also offers an explanation as to why survivors might behave oddly in an interview, such as remembering only vivid details or describing them out of order when discussing their assault. Campus administrators say using this investigative practice is the best way to gather information and figure out the timeline of an incident without greatly upsetting a victim.

The association representing college administrators who investigate and adjudicate sexual violence cases on campuses has suggested some officials have taken this approach too far.

The Association of Title IX Administrators — named for the federal law banning sex discrimination on campus — published a statement last month contending that officials have sometimes not conducted thorough investigations into sexual assault claims. ATIXA says there have been cases when officials overlooked a lack of evidence in a sexual assault case because they believe trauma-related symptoms exhibited by a sexual assault victim likely prove the incident occurred.

The association asserts there is insufficient research to definitively prove that memory is affected by a sexual assault and how survivors respond to trauma long-term. ATIXA says administrators have “extrapolated” from existing studies far too much.

ATIXA’s claims have enraged some campus-based officials who specialize in the sex-discrimination law and investigate cases, as well as sexual assault survivor advocates. Those critics say ATIXA’s statement is a publicity grab.

“This represents a fundamental misunderstanding of what trauma-informed practices actually mean,” said Taylor Parker, a consultant with Safety Advisors for Educational Campuses LLC and the compliance coordinator and deputy Title IX coordinator at the Ringling College of Art and Design in Florida.

ATIXA released its seven-page position statement last month after association representatives noticed an “unhealthy direction in the field,” according to the statement. The association publishes these statements infrequently — only as a “nuclear option,” when it wants to send a strong message to the entire field, said Brett Sokolow​, the association’s president.

The statement notes that the trauma response to a sexual assault is a particularly controversial subject and cites a highly contentious 2017 article in The Atlantic blasting the work of experts who have studied the neurobiology of trauma and calling it “junk science.”

ATIXA’s statement said studies of the trauma-informed approach are incomplete.

“They are interesting to hear and definitely worth our time and thought, but they are perhaps like Copernicus, who asserted the Earth revolved around the sun long before there was any proof that it actually did,” the statement says of researchers focused on neurobiology and trauma. “If you listened to Copernicus in 1514 and decided as a result that heliocentrism was true, you were working off of theory at the time, not empirical science. It would be another 50 years before Kepler and Galileo elevated that theory to an observable working hypothesis. With our current level of neuroscientific understandings of trauma, we essentially are in 1514, and we have a lot of brilliant Copernicans around, but it will be another 50 years until we get to Galileo.”

Activists who defend the rights of those unfairly accused of sexual violence have seized on the Atlantic article and now the ATIXA statement to bolster arguments that the campus processes for adjudicating these cases are biased against the accused and lack due process.

These activists routinely disparage the Obama administration’s 2011 guidance for how colleges should adjudicate sex assault cases. Education Secretary Betsy DeVos rescinded those rules two years ago.

Sokolow said he hasn’t paid attention to responses from these groups, which include Stop Abusive and Violent Environments, or SAVE, and Families Advocating For Campus Equality (FACE).

ATIXA isn’t completely opposed to trauma-informed approaches, Sokolow said, But he’s concerned that it is routinely being used to supersede the investigative process.

At one university that Sokolow declined to name, a panel charged with making a decision on a sex assault case did not ask any questions of a survivor because the group had been advised that doing so would “re-traumatize” her. The accused student was found responsible for the assault but was not punished because he appealed, Sokolow said.

“We don’t want a trauma-informed approach to get in the way of learning evidence,” he said.

Sokolow said association members largely agree with the statement, which was vetted and voted on by ATIXA’s 20-member advisory board before being made public. But Title IX coordinators also believe the statement is “piling on,” Sokolow said.

These coordinators are frequently accused by survivor advocates and due process organizations of botching sexual assault investigations. They’ve also been involved in more court battles as Title IX-related lawsuits have skyrocketed, Sokolow said. This difficult work environment has resulted in high turnover in the profession. About two-thirds of Title IX coordinators have been in their positions for less than three years, according to a 2018 ATIXA survey.

Parker, the Title IX coordinator from Ringling College, didn’t think the statement was a matter of “right message, wrong time,” as Sokolow described it. She said she was angry.

“This is a publicity stunt,” she said, adding that she was not speaking on behalf of the college. “They want to find the next controversial statement and chisel out an area in the market. I think they are creating a problem that doesn’t exist so they can fix it.”

ATIXA’s statement includes a footnote saying that an association kit containing “best practices” for trauma-informed interviews can be purchased by members for free or at a discount. It can be purchased online by nonmembers for $499.

Laura Dunn, founder L. L. Dunn Law Firm PLLC and the survivor advocacy group SurvJustice, also dismissed the report as a publicity stunt.

Dunn said trauma-informed practices can counteract the often discriminatory tactics law enforcement uses to unearth details about sex assaults. The Justice Department outlined bias in the questioning of sexual assault and domestic violence victims during police investigations in a 2015 report.

Dunn said she did not agree with relying solely on victims’ behavior as a way to corroborate that a sexual assault occurred, but that behavior should be noted in an investigation.

“Perhaps ATIXA wants to seem reasonable and middle-of-the-road in issuing this statement, but its drafting and tone are unprofessional and at times pretentious,” she said.