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Campus Due Process Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

Barrett Confirmation is a Win for Due Process on Campus

Barrett Confirmation is a Win for Due Process on Campus

By Edward Bartlett

In her swearing-in ceremony, new Supreme Court Associate Justice Amy Coney Barrett pledged “to do my job without any fear or favor, and that I will do so independently of both the political branches and of my own preferences.”  While many speculate on how the tenure of the 115th justice will impact the court, one thing is a near certainty – it is a win for due process and ending sex discrimination on university campuses.

For nearly a decade, college administrators have interpreted Title IX in a way that allowed them to discriminate against students based on sex by offering, among other things, sex-specific STEM courses, leadership development programs, and scholarships.  Additionally, universities have used Title IX to railroad students who have been accused—not convicted—of harassment or sexual assault. Thankfully, the U.S. Department of Education released regulations earlier this year that protect students from these types of discriminatory practices.

On this topic, Barrett has shown herself to be a fair jurist—an originalist who interprets the law as it is written not as she wishes it was. And the law is clear when it comes to Title IX—discrimination based on a student’s sex is prohibited.

At her announcement ceremony in the White House Rose Garden, Barrett made it clear that she doesn’t care who a person is when considering a case but what the law says. Barrett stated she would, “administer justice without respect to persons,” which is exactly what’s missing on today’s college campus where an entire sex is shut out of classes and a mere accusation is enough for expulsion.

When one sex discrimination case, Doe v. Perdue University, was put before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 7th Circuit, Judge Barrett wrote the panel’s opinion after they revived the student’s right to due process.

The student, referred to as John Doe, was accused of sexual misconduct, which he denied. He was suspended, discharged from the school’s ROTC program, and stripped of his ROTC-related scholarship, even though he was not allowed to call witnesses or defend himself in any meaningful way.

Barrett wrote, “Purdue’s process fell short of what even a high school must provide to a student facing a days-long suspension . . . John received notice of Jane’s allegations and denied them, but Purdue did not disclose its evidence to John. And withholding the evidence on which it relied in adjudicating his guilt was itself sufficient to render the process fundamentally unfair.”

This may seem like an isolated incident that’s the result of an overzealous administration with an ax to grind. But I assure you, this type of sex discrimination is happening to male students all over the country despite the recent changes to Title IX.

Judge Barrett isn’t the only well-known judge with experience in sex discrimination. Almost half a century ago, the late Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the judge Barrett is set to replace on the country’s highest court, made waves when she represented Charles Mortiz in Mortiz v. Commissioner of Internal Revenue after he was denied a tax deduction for expenses related to the care of his invalid mother. Only women and previously married men were allowed the deduction, so Mortiz, a lifelong bachelor, was denied it due to his sex. Thanks to Ginsburg, that discriminatory decision was eventually overturned.

While Justice Ginsburg never ruled on a Title IX case related to campus sexual assault, she did comment on the issue in 2018, stating, “there’s been criticism of some college codes of conduct for not giving the accused person a fair opportunity to be heard, and that’s one of the basic tenets of our system, as you know, everyone deserves a fair hearing,” and that, “the person who is accused has a right to defend herself or himself.”

I agree with Justice Ginsburg and believe that clarity on sex discrimination will help set the tone when it comes to Title IX compliance. Which is one very important reason to celebrate Justice Barrett’s confirmation to the Supreme Court.

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Campus Department of Education Discrimination Due Process Executive Order Office for Civil Rights Race Sex Stereotyping Sexual Assault Title IX Title IX Equity Project

PR: Noting the ‘Seriousness of Penalties,’ College Administrators Suspend Trainings that Promote Sex Stereotypes

Contact: Rebecca Stewart

Telephone: 513-479-3335

Email: info@saveservices.org

Noting the ‘Seriousness of Penalties,’ College Administrators Suspend Trainings that Promote Sex Stereotypes

WASHINGTON / October 19, 2020 – In response to new federal requirements, college administrators have begun to stop school trainings and curricular offerings that promote stereotypes based on sex or race. For example, the University of Iowa recently announced a decision to suspend all such trainings, workshops, and programs. Noting “the seriousness of penalties for non-compliance with the order,” the pause applies to all harassment and discrimination trainings offered by the institution (1). Other institutions of higher education reportedly have made similar decisions (2).

Two federal policies are driving the re-evaluation. First, the new Department of Education sexual harassment regulation states that Title IX training activities “must not rely on sex stereotypes.” (3) Second, Executive Order 13950 directs federal agencies to suspend funding for any institution that promotes concepts that “an individual, by virtue of his or her race or sex, is inherently racist, sexist, or oppressive.” (4)

SAVE is urging administrators at colleges and universities across the country to take immediate steps to end trainings and other activities that may promote sex stereotypes. Title IX and other training programs are known to be promoting sex stereotypes in at least seven ways:

  1. Domestic violence: Each year there are 4.2 million male victims of physical domestic violence, and 3.5 female victims, according to the Centers for Disease Control (5). University training programs need to clearly and accurately state these numbers.
  2. Sexual assault: Nearly identical numbers of men and women are victims of sexual assault, according to the federal National Intimate Partner and Violence Survey. Each year, 1.267 million men report they were “made to sexually penetrate,” compared to 1.270 million women who report they were raped (6). But many university training programs utilize data from surveys relying on methodologies that undercount the number of male victims who were made to penetrate.
  3. Annual vs. lifetime incidence: Due to well-known problems with recall and memory retrieval, lifetime incidence numbers significantly undercount domestic violence and sexual harassment incidents, especially less serious incidents that occurred in previous years. University trainings should use annual, “in the past 12 months” numbers, not “lifetime” numbers.
  4. Sex-specific pronouns: In referring to domestic violence or sexual assault perpetrators and victims, many training materials misleadingly refer to the perpetrator as “he” and the victim as “she.”
  5. Examples: Training materials often provide hypothetical examples to illustrate key concepts. Such examples need to highlight approximately equal number of male and female victims.
  6. Imagery: Some university websites feature domestic violence incidents that portray a threatening male standing over a fearful, often cowering female. Such one-sided portrayals are misleading.
  7. Negative stereotyping of men as a group: Some universities offer campus-wide programs that seek to redefine, reform, and/or stigmatize masculinity. University-sponsored courses that promote theories of “toxic masculinity,” “rape culture,” and “patriarchal privilege” are likely to be in violation of the federal ban on sex stereotyping. Such stereotypes serve to undermine principles of fairness and equity for male students.

For example, the University of Texas offers a program titled “MasculinUT.” The program’s website states that concerns about sexual assault and interpersonal violence justify the “need to engage men in discussions about masculinity as one tool to prevent violence.” (7) The university does not offer a similar program directed at females, thereby creating an unlawful stereotype of male perpetrators and female victims.

Some universities teach courses that feature the American Psychological Association report, “Guidelines for Psychological Practice with Boys and Men.”  (8) The accompanying APA article made the stereotyping claim that “traditional masculinity — marked by stoicism, competitiveness, dominance and aggression — is, on the whole, harmful.”

To date, the SAVE Title IX Equity Project has submitted 20 complaints to the federal Office for Civil Rights for non-compliance with regulatory requirements for Title IX training materials (10).

Links:

  1. https://diversity.uiowa.edu/regarding-executive-order-13950?utm
  2. https://blog.aspb.org/policy-update-uneven-implementation-of-executive-order-on-race-and-sex-stereotyping/
  3. https://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/docs/titleix-regs-unofficial.pdf 45(b)(1)(iii)
  4. https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-combating-race-sex-stereotyping/
  5. https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/pdf/2015data-brief508.pdf Tables 9 and 11.
  6. Lara Stemple and Ilan Meyer. The Sexual Victimization of Men in America: New Data Challenge Old Assumptions. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4062022/
  7. https://deanofstudents.utexas.edu/masculinut.php
  8. https://www.apa.org/about/policy/boys-men-practice-guidelines.pdf
  9. https://www.apa.org/monitor/2019/01/ce-corner
  10. http://www.saveservices.org/equity/
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Campus Civil Rights Due Process Law & Justice Legal Sexual Assault Title IX

Attacking due process on campus might be Joe Biden’s most glaring hypocrisy

The hypocrisy of Joe Biden’s 2020 platform is sometimes even more infuriating than its substance.

He’s chosen to run as an anti-police, empty-the-jails “social justice” warrior despite boasting for decades about how he wanted to “lock the SOBs up” and how he’s been integral to “every major crime bill since 1976.” He’s also running as a “Made in America” nationalist despite having led the charge to flood America with cheap Chinese goods and admit the People’s Republic into the World Trade Organization.

There are numerous other examples, but none is so galling as Biden promising to deny college students accused of sexual misconduct even the most basic due process rights. The kangaroo courts that he wants to mandate by law on college campuses would already have heard enough from his own sexual assault accuser, former staffer Tara Reade, to destroy his life. It’s a good thing for Joe Biden that he’s a 77-year-old politician — and therefore entitled to face his accusers and question their credibility — instead of a 19-year-old college student.

Earlier this year, Biden promised a “quick end” to a Title IX rule implemented by education secretary Betsy DeVos, claiming that it “gives colleges a green light to ignore sexual violence and strip survivors of their rights.” In reality, it does no such thing. It does not provide college students accused of sexual harassment anywhere near the rights guaranteed to criminal defendants in the U.S. Constitution. It does not require alleged victims to come face-to-face with the people they accuse. It didn’t even reach the standard that Democrats demanded for Biden when he himself was accused of sexual assault. It merely requires schools to set consistent standards, inform the accused of the evidence against them, and allow the accused to cross-examine the witnesses — through a third party if necessary — who are providing evidence against them.

In fact, the only reason Secretary DeVos had to issue those regulations affirming the barest minimum standard of due process rights — rights that still fall well short of what would be required in any criminal proceeding — is that the Obama-Biden administration wrote a letter in 2011 threatening colleges and universities with a total withdrawal of federal funding unless they deprived the accused of virtually all rights in sexual assault and harassment complaints.

Contrary to the pablum the Biden campaign has served up to appease campus feminists, Secretary DeVos was hardly the only person to notice that the Obama-Biden threat letter was outrageous and likely unconstitutional. Almost as soon as it went into effect, young men who had their reputations and academic careers destroyed in proceedings that wouldn’t pass muster in traffic court started to sue.

In case after case, the federal courts tore so deeply into the policies the Obama-Biden administration demanded of colleges that they almost certainly could never be implemented legally in any public university, let alone serve as a prerequisite for funding by the Department of Education. In fact, one of the many decisions specifically citing the 2011 letter as possible evidence of unlawful discrimination was penned for a unanimous, all-woman panel by Judge Amy Coney Barrett, President Trump’s latest nominee to serve on the Supreme Court.

Joe Biden himself should be glad about that. While he’s no longer in college, he should be eager to see a woman on the Supreme Court who understands that, in America, everyone is entitled to know who is accusing him of what and to confront the evidence against him. Despite his intense need to pander to those who believe that a mere accusation should be enough to kick men out of colleges, take their scholarships, and make them unemployable, Joe Biden deserves the same due process as the rest of us.

Jenna Ellis (@JennaEllisEsq) is a constitutional law attorney and the senior legal adviser for the Trump 2020 campaign. She is the author of The Legal Basis for a Moral Constitution.

https://www.americanthinker.com/blog/2020/10/attacking_due_process_on_campus_might_be_joe_bidens_most_glaring_hypocrisy.html#.X3-FPHDiTIk.mailto

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#MeToo Civil Rights Department of Education Discrimination Due Process Legal Office for Civil Rights Scholarships Sex Stereotyping Title IX Title IX Equity Project Training

Public University Stops Banning Males From Federally Funded Program to Resolve Federal Investigation

Allowed to avoid admitting guilt for violating Title IX

 

The University of Central Oklahoma received nearly $831,000 in federal taxpayer dollars to run a computer and STEM camp for high schoolers that violated Title IX.

Following a complaint by University of Michigan-Flint economist Mark Perry, whose side gig is challenging educational programs that exclude disfavored groups (usually males and whites), the program is nominally accepting all students, not just girls.

Also a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, Perry wrote on his blog Monday that the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights informed him of the resolution at UCO.

By his count, 27 of his 231 complaints have been resolved “in my favor,” with more than 80 still under investigation by OCR. He expects all of them to end in his favor too, “given the clarity” of Title IX “and the clear violations” by colleges.

Originally described as a “Computer Forensics Program & an Education-Career Pathway for Girls,” according to its National Science Foundation grant page, the program repeatedly emphasized that it was only for girls. Perry said the university’s website for the program just recently removed application language that explicitly said the program is “unavailable for male students.”

An image of the original page with the word “Girls” in the title and description is still available from its website, though the application page that explicitly excludes male students does not appear to be cached anywhere The College Fix could find. The illegal program was funded by corporate sponsors and partners including Apple, IBM, Inciter, CGI and Stelar.

Perry said he learned about the program through the parents of a high school boy who wanted to apply but saw the no-males language on the application page. The economist filed the complaint under his own name – as he always does – to protect their anonymity.

The taxpayer-funded university has removed all sex-specific language from the content of the website, though it still only shows girls and its domain is still ComputerAcademyforGirls.com. Perry said OCR told him the federal office is “still in the monitoring stage” for the university to comply with the “Voluntary Resolution Agreement,” which requires UCO to “eliminate any suggestion” that the program is “for a single sex.”

Perry noted that UCO President Patti Neuhold-Ravikumar herself signed the agreement, which “seems to be an indication of the seriousness of violating federal civil rights laws.” (He posted images of the two-page print agreement, dated Sept. 30.)

As with other OCR resolutions, however, UCO was allowed to avoid admitting guilt and it won’t face any financial penalties, he continued:

Perhaps that’s why so many universities knowingly violate Title IX — the worst-case scenario is that they get caught like UCO, make the necessary corrections to their Title IX violations so that they don’t jeopardize their federal funding, but without any serious consequences and without actually even having to admit to the violation!??

The economist also denounced the National Science Foundation for funding “hundreds” of programs that exclude males at colleges, including the College of William and Mary and University of Wisconsin System:

And most of the time, hundreds of violations of Title IX like UCO’s go undetected and unreported, often because those who are aware of the violations are unwilling to complain or report the violation, out of fear of retaliation, to the university’s Title IX office or the Office for Civil Rights.

Perry said OCR has notified him of five more investigations opened into his complaints in the past month, against the University of Virginia, Florida Gulf Coast University, University of South Alabama, Youngstown State University and University of Maryland. All are offering programs reserved for females.

UVA’s program is one of “several dozen” programs for “female leadership/entrepreneurship/negotiation” that illegally exclude men, he said, naming 20 other colleges with such programs against which he has filed complaints.

Source: https://www.thecollegefix.com/public-university-stops-banning-males-from-federally-funded-program-to-resolve-federal-investigation/

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Civil Rights Department of Justice Due Process Law & Justice Legal Sexual Assault Title IX

Amy Coney Barrett Could Change Campus Sexual Assault Rules Forever

Amy Coney Barrett, President Donald Trump’s Supreme Court nominee, could have a huge impact on how campus sexual assault cases are handled if appointed to the nation’s highest court.

Experts told Newsweek how Barrett’s appointment could affect Title IX after she wrote an appellate decision last year that made it easier for students accused of committing campus sexual assaults to challenge their university’s handling of the cases.

Title IX is the landmark civil rights law passed as part of the Education Amendments of 1972, aimed at protecting students from discrimination based on sex in education programs or activities that receive federal financial assistance.

A spokesperson for the University of Notre Dame, where Barrett is on the faculty, directed inquiries to the White House.

In a statement, a White House spokesperson said: “In Doe v. Purdue, Judge Barrett understood the importance of fair procedures for campus sexual misconduct proceedings and that Title IX protects both men and women from sex discrimination in such proceedings. In addition, Judge Barrett’s approach has been favorably cited by the Third, Sixth, and Eighth circuits.”

Barrett’s decision in Purdue University case

Last year, Barrett wrote an influential unanimous three-judge panel decision in the case of John Doe v. Purdue University for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit—a case involving students, identified only as Jane and John Doe, at the university in West Lafayette, Indiana.

Jane alleged her boyfriend had sexually assaulted her on two occasions in November 2015. John later filed a federal lawsuit against the university, arguing it had used constitutionally flawed procedures to determine his guilt. He also claimed the school had violated Title IX when it expelled him and took away his Navy ROTC scholarship.

In her decision, Barrett concluded Purdue’s process had been unfair and that the university may have discriminated against John based on his sex.

According to a summary of the case in the ruling, based on John’s account, Jane and John had been students in Purdue’s Navy ROTC program when they started dating in the fall of 2015. They had consensual sex between 15 and 20 times between October and December that year.

In December, Jane attempted suicide in front of John and they stopped dating after he later reported the attempt to the university. A few months later, during the university’s Sexual Assault Awareness Month, Jane accused John of sexually assaulting her on two occasions.

She alleged that she had been sleeping with John in his room in November 2015 when she woke to him groping her over her clothes without her consent. She said she had told him it was not okay.

Jane also alleged that John then confessed he had digitally penetrated her while the two were sleeping in Jane’s room earlier that month. John denied all of Jane’s allegations.

She never filed a formal complaint or testified about the alleged assaults, but the university pursued the case on her behalf, according to Barrett’s decision.

“The case against him boiled down to a ‘he said/she said’—Purdue had to decide whether to believe John or Jane,” Barrett wrote.

Barrett criticized Katherine Sermersheim, the university’s dean of students and Title IX co-ordinator, who allegedly sided with Jane without speaking to her. “It is plausible that Sermersheim and her advisors chose to believe Jane because she is a woman and to disbelieve John because he is a man,” Barrett wrote.

She added: “Sermersheim’s explanation for her decision (offered only after her supervisor required her to give a reason) was a cursory statement that she found Jane credible and John not credible.

“Her basis for believing Jane is perplexing, given that she never talked to Jane. Indeed, Jane did not even submit a statement in her own words.”

Barrett also cited the university’s alleged mistakes in the handling of the case, saying John was not allowed to view the investigators’ report and had been handed a redacted version only moments before his disciplinary hearing.

According to Barrett’s ruling, John learned that it falsely claimed he had confessed to Jane’s allegations and did not mention that John had reported Jane’s suicide attempt to the university.

“Two members of the panel candidly stated that they had not read the investigative report,” Barrett wrote. “The one who apparently had read it asked John accusatory questions that assumed his guilt. Because John had not seen the evidence, he could not address it. He reiterated his innocence and told the panel about some of the friendly texts that Jane had sent him after the alleged assaults.”

Jane did not appear before the disciplinary panel or submit a written statement, the decision said. Instead, a written summary of her allegations was submitted by the Center for Advocacy, Response, and Education (CARE), a campus group dedicated to supporting victims of sexual violence.

The group posted an article from The Washington Post titled “Alcohol isn’t the cause of campus sexual assault. Men are” on Facebook the same month John was disciplined, Barrett wrote in the ruling.

The university’s disciplinary panel also did not allow John to present witnesses, Barrett wrote, which included a male roommate who was reportedly in the room at the time of the alleged assault and disputed Jane’s account.

Barrett concluded the university’s process “fell short of what even a high school must provide to a student facing a days-long suspension.”

“John received notice of Jane’s allegations and denied them, but Purdue did not disclose its evidence to John. And withholding the evidence on which it relied in adjudicating his guilt was itself sufficient to render the process fundamentally unfair,” she wrote.

“It is particularly concerning that Sermersheim and the committee concluded that Jane was the more credible witness—in fact, that she was credible at all—without ever speaking to her in person.”

Barrett also said that John’s claims of sex discrimination were bolstered by the pressure put on schools and university by the Obama administration to tackle sexual assault and harassment on campus.

Because the Department of Education’s Office of Civil Rights had opened two investigations into Purdue in 2016, the pressure on the university to demonstrate compliance “was far from abstract,” Barrett wrote. “That pressure may have been particularly acute for Sermersheim, who, as a Title IX coordinator, bore some responsibility for Purdue’s compliance.”

The lawsuit remains unresolved and John still needs to prove he was discriminated on the basis of his sex to win his Title IX claim before a jury.

How Barrett’s decision could change campus sexual assault rules

Andrew Miltenberg, an attorney representing John, told Newsweek that Barrett’s ruling “set a standard by which [schools] have to hold themselves during an investigation.”

He added that it “not only recognized that there are procedural due process issues, which have to be preserved for someone accused, regardless of what they’re accused of but it also accepted the fact that it’s possible that, whether it’s an investigator, a hearing officer, or a campus culture, there can be bias within the system based on gender and based on a male being the accused.”

Miltenberg added: “We’re not at the point where a judge can decide whether we have enough evidence to win the case, that’s what the discovery process is for, but we are at a point for a judge to recognize that there is a basis for these allegations.”

According to The Washington Post, Purdue University filed a counterclaim in June asking the court to declare Doe’s misconduct violated university policy and that the university was acting within its rights when it suspended him.

Tim Doty, a spokesman for the university, said in a statement to Newsweek: “While Purdue believes in its process and decision-making, we recognize the appellate court was bound by legal procedure to accept each of John Doe’s allegations as true and did not have the benefit of a full evidentiary record when it decided the case.

“That evidentiary record is currently being developed in the district court, and the university looks forward to the opportunity to present its full defense of this matter at the appropriate time and in the appropriate venue.”

Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s views on Title IX

The late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who Barrett would be replacing if confirmed, has spoken about due process for those accused of sexual misconduct—and said she believed criticism of some college codes of conduct on the matter was valid.

“The person who is accused has a right to defend herself or himself, and we certainly should not lose sight of that,” Ginsburg told The Atlantic in 2018.

“Recognizing that these are complaints that should be heard. There’s been criticism of some college codes of conduct for not giving the accused person a fair opportunity to be heard, and that’s one of the basic tenets of our system, as you know, everyone deserves a fair hearing.”

Asked about how to balance due process with the need for increased gender equality, Ginsburg replied: “It’s not one or the other. It’s both. We have a system of justice where people who are accused get due process, so it’s just applying to this field what we have applied generally.”

Brett Sokolow, a consultant who advises schools and universities on compliance with Title IX, says Barrett’s opinion in Purdue would make it easier for accused students to bring civil litigation against universities.

“If an erroneous outcome case makes it to the Supreme Court, Barrett as the author of Doe v. Purdue University, would be a likely vote in favor of the “plausible inference” standard,” he told Newsweek.

“Setting up the kind of circuit split the Supreme Court likes to referee, other circuits seem to follow a pleading standard that makes it harder for a respondent in a campus sexual assault case to prove the outcome of the campus case was infected with sex bias.

“Barrett’s lowering of that standard in Purdue, if adopted by the Supreme Court, would make it much easier for respondents to sue and move their cases forward through motions to dismiss and perhaps summary judgment. They still have to prove sex bias at trial, but Barrett’s opinion in Purdue greatly simplifies the ways that respondents can prove disparate treatment under Title IX.”

“Drastically rolls back protections for student survivors”

Sokolow noted that Barrett’s appointment to the Supreme Court could also significantly affect Title IX in other ways.

He said Kollaritsch v. Michigan State University Board of Trustees is likely headed to the Supreme Court. “This case is fundamental to the future of Title IX, and will decide whether post-harassment or assault is required for deliberate indifference liability under Title IX,” he explained.

“The key question is once sexual harassment and/or assault takes place, and a school is deliberately indifferent to it, does it have to lead to a second act of sexual harassment or assault for liability to result? Barrett would be a likely “yes” vote in a decision that would significantly narrow the Court’s previous precedent in Davis v. Monroe County.”

The Supreme Court’s ruling in that case held that schools may be liable under Title IX if their response to a known act of student-on-student sexual harassment was “deliberately indifferent.”

Emily Martin, the vice president of education and workplace justice at National Women’s Law Center, told Newsweek that it was “deeply troubling” that a school’s commitment to taking sexual misconduct seriously had been suggested by Barrett as evidence of bias against men in the Purdue case.

“It’s a deeply troubling prospect that an icon of gender equality like Justice Ginsburg could be replaced with a judge who is eager to use sex discrimination laws in order to attack efforts to forward gender equality,” she said.

“It is no surprise the same administration that is doing everything it can to silence student survivors would put forward a nominee who goes out of her way to endorse this backwards and harmful view of Title IX.”

Martin’s was referring to changes to the Department of Education’s Title IX rules by Secretary Betsy DeVos that give a number of protections to those accused of sexual assault on college campuses, which came into effect in August.

They new guidelines narrow the definition of what can be deemed sexual harassment and require in-person cross-examinations between alleged perpetrators and their accusers.

Know Your IX, a political advocacy group, said the move “drastically rolls back protections for student survivors and makes it easier for schools to sweep sexual harassment under the rug.”

K.C. Johnson, a history professor at Brooklyn College and the City University of New York Graduate Center described Barrett’s decision in the Purdue case as the “single most consequential ruling in the area.” He told the Post that it had set a fair, simplified standard that has since been adopted by other circuit courts covering 22 states as well as the federal district court in Washington, D.C.

But Alexandra Brodsky, a staff attorney at Public Justice, a nonprofit legal advocacy organization, told Newsweek: “If Judge Barrett’s approach in Doe v. Purdue were to become the law of the land, though, schools and civil rights agencies would be in a terrible bind:

“By her logic, any efforts to enforce the rights of survivors and other marginalized people are evidence of bias against men and other dominant groups. That is wrong as a matter of law and reality. Students of all genders—men included—benefit when schools respect victims’ rights under Title IX.”

In a recent blog post, Brodsky wrote that Barrett’s opinion in John Doe v. Purdue University was “troubling” because the ruling “turned a sex discrimination statute on its head, using a law meant to prevent and address sexual assault to promote impunity for that very same behavior.”

She said while Barrett’s decision on due process in the case may “may well have been right,” the ruling on the Title IX claim is not only wrong, but “disturbing.”

“Even by Doe’s own account, there was no evidence the school had suspended him because of his sex, as required to state a claim under Title IX,” according to Brodsky.

One of the most disturbing aspects of Barrett’s decision is that “it treats the Department of Education’s efforts to enforce survivors’ Title IX rights as evidence of anti-male bias,” she said.

“Yet Judge Barrett relied on evidence that the school was trying to do right by survivors as evidence that it discriminated against men specifically. That will discourage schools from meaningfully addressing sexual violence, since doing so may—according to Purdue’s funhouse mirror vision of Title IX—justify a suspended student’s suit.”

She said, by Purdue’s logic, any attempt to combat discrimination “will instead serve to protect people who discriminate from consequences for their actions—consequences that may be necessary to root out injustice.”

This article has been updated with a statement from a White House spokesperson.

https://www.newsweek.com/amy-coney-barrett-appointment-campus-sex-assault-1534575

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Campus Due Process Law & Justice Legal Title IX

Sex, Due Process and Amy Coney Barrett

Three other appellate courts followed her 2019 Title IX opinion—a mark of her quality as a jurist.

 

Amy Coney Barrett’s Supreme Court nomination likely will bring renewed attention to the issue of Title IX litigation filed by students accused of sexual misconduct on campus. As a judge on the Seventh U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, Ms. Barrett wrote a 2019 decision that revolutionized how courts consider Title IX claims from accused students. Lawsuits in this area have multiplied since 2011 guidance from the Obama administration, which pressed universities to adopt biased procedures to favor accusers, hoping that doing so would increase reporting of campus allegations. Several other courts of appeals embraced Judge Barrett’s standard, which now applies to claims in 22 states. Beyond its importance to Title IX law, the opinion speaks to Judge Barrett’s quality as a jurist.

The case involved a relationship between two Purdue University students that ended after the male student reported his girlfriend’s suicide attempt to school officials. Four months later, the female student claimed that before they broke up, her boyfriend had sexually assaulted her as she slept. She had a campus victims’ rights group write her statement and then declined to appear at the Title IX hearing. A three-member university panel nonetheless found her claims credible, despite never hearing directly from her.

The panelists based their decision on an investigative report that the accused student said university officials refused to let him see. Their decision cost the accused student his ROTC scholarship and a potential career in the Navy. His case eventually came before a panel of Judges Barrett, Diane Sykes and Amy St. Eve in September 2018. Judge Barrett wrote its unanimous 30-page ruling nine months later.

The opinion was noteworthy for three reasons. First, it devised a new standard—both simpler and fairer—for courts to evaluate Title IX claims filed by accused students. The previous standard, offered by the Second Circuit in 1994, required accused students to jump through doctrinal hoops to raise a plausible claim. Courts would first establish whether a wrongful finding of guilt might have occurred, then search for sex discrimination elsewhere in the process, rather than evaluating the college’s adjudication as a whole.

Judge Barrett’s opinion dispensed with all this. Instead, she returned to the text of the statute, and instructed courts to ask a simple question: “do the alleged facts, if true, raise a plausible inference that the university discriminated against [the accused student] ‘on the basis of sex’?” The Purdue panel answered that question in the affirmative, citing the combination of the student’s likely innocence, the university’s procedural irregularities, and possible sex bias by the organization that drafted the accuser’s statement.

Second, the quality of the opinion has given it an outsize impact. In the past four months, three other appeals courts have adopted the Purdue test for Title IX lawsuits in states under their jurisdiction. Citing the Purdue opinion, Judge Raymond Kethledge of the Sixth Circuit argued in a June decision that an Oberlin College accused student’s “strongest evidence is perhaps the merits of the decision itself in his case,” since in a Title IX case where a school finds a seemingly innocent student guilty, “the merits of the decision itself, as a matter of common sense, can support an inference of sex bias.”

In September, the Eighth Circuit, also using the Purdue standard, issued a similar ruling in a case involving a University of Arkansas student whose guilty finding the court described as “unexplained” based on the record. And the Third Circuit explained that Judge Barrett’s proposed “straightforward pleading standard . . . hews most closely to the text of Title IX.” Given that Supreme Court opinions must not only decide the case before them but also provide clear guidance for lower courts, it’s significant that other appeals courts are adopting the Purdue opinion’s reasoning.

Judge Barrett devised a standard that protects likely innocent students, giving priority to the text of the statute itself to produce a simpler test for courts to follow. It is an impressive accomplishment.

Finally, the Purdue opinion rebuts criticism of Judge Barrett as a jurist focused on outcomes and blinded by ideology. The accused student also alleged that Purdue violated his constitutional rights, including by denying him the chance to cross-examine his accuser. Such claims are common in Title IX litigation; after the Obama administration “strongly” discouraged cross-examinations, most universities barred them.

The Purdue case provided an almost perfect fact pattern for a judge eager to impose a cross-examination requirement. Yet Judge Barrett’s opinion held that because Purdue’s conduct might have violated the student’s rights on more clearly defined questions—insufficient notice of the evidence against him, and possibly a “sham” hearing—the court didn’t need to address the cross-examination issue. Judge Barrett exercised judicial restraint.

As Nancy Gertner, a Harvard law professor and a former federal judge, recently observed, “Judges of all stripes around the country have been concerned with fairness in these proceedings.” It’s unlikely that Judge Barrett’s nomination will rise or fall on her decision to join scores of her colleagues in issuing a ruling favorable to a student accused of sexual misconduct. But to the extent that concerns such as intellectual quality or judicial temperament still play a role in the confirmation process, Judge Barrett’s Purdue opinion should serve her well.

Mr. Johnson is a co-author of “The Campus Rape Frenzy: The Attack on Due Process at America’s Universities.”

https://www.wsj.com/articles/sex-due-process-and-amy-coney-barrett-11601507741

Categories
Civil Rights Department of Education Department of Justice Due Process False Allegations Investigations Legal Office for Civil Rights Sexual Assault Title IX

Ruth Bader Ginsburg Agreed With Amy Coney Barrett That Campus Kangaroo Courts Were a Problem

Federal appeals court Judge Amy Coney Barrett and the late Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg agreed Title IX code of conduct trials were flawed.

by Jon Miltimore

In 2018, following the nomination of Brett M. Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court, President Trump tipped his hand about who he’d be inclined to choose if given the opportunity to fill another vacancy on the high court.

That person, the New York Times observed, was Judge Amy Coney Barrett, a conservative law professor whom Trump tapped for a federal appeals court in 2017.

A week ago, it appeared the chances of Trump filling another Court vacancy in his first term were slim. However, the death of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who died September 18 during her 27th year on the high court just six weeks before the presidential election, means Trump will get the opportunity to send another nomination to the Republican-controlled Senate.

Some sources claim Barrett still has the edge to win the nomination, though Cuban-American federal appellate judge Barbara Lagoa is also generating buzz.

As the Brett Kavanaugh nomination and previous hearings have shown, Supreme Court battles can be nasty, even nastier than typical political battles. There’s little reason to expect the filling of Ginsburg’s seat to be any different—even if it wasn’t coming just weeks before a presidential election—so it’s no surprise to see that news media are already dissecting Barrett’s court opinions.

Just 48 hours after Ginsburg’s death, the Washington Post ran an article on Barrett’s opinion in Doe v. Purdue University, a Title IX—the rule prohibiting sex-discrimination in public education —case involving a Purdue student (John Doe) who was suspended by the university after being accused of sexual assault by a former girlfriend (Jane Doe).

According to John Doe, as described by a court summary of the case, the couple met in Purdue’s Navy ROTC program and started dating in the fall of 2015. They soon began a sexual relationship. In December, Jane attempted to take her own life in front of John. He reported the attempt to the school, and the couple ceased dating.

“A few months later, Jane alleged that in November 2015, while they were sleeping together in his room, she awoke to John groping her over her clothes without consent,” the Washington Post reports. “Jane said she objected and that John told her he had penetrated her with his finger while they were sleeping together earlier that month. John denied the allegations and produced friendly texts from Jane after the alleged November incident.”

These are serious charges that demand a serious appraisal of the facts and due process. But like plaintiffs in Title IX cases—some 600 lawsuits have been filed against universities since Barack Obama’s Education Department issued its “Dear Colleague” letter to schools warning them they’d lose federal funding if they didn’t prioritize complaints of sexual assault—John Doe encountered something else.

Court documents show the hearing resembled a show trial, including a false confession, that resulted in a year-long suspension of John Doe that cost him a spot in the ROTC program.

“Among the university’s alleged missteps cited by the court: John Doe received a redacted copy of investigators’ report on his case only moments before his disciplinary hearing. He discovered that the document did not mention that he had reported Jane’s suicide attempt and falsely asserted that he had confessed to Jane’s allegations,” the Post reports. “Jane Doe did not appear before the university panel that reviewed the investigation; instead, a written summary of her allegations was submitted by a campus group that advocates for victims of sexual violence.”

All of this fits the pattern of the kangaroo courts universities established after the Dear Colleague letter. As Reason has spent the last several years documenting, these cases tend to presume individuals guilty until proven innocent, while depriving them of the due process necessary to prove their innocence.

Barrett is hardly alone in her jurisprudence regarding the importance of due process. As the Post concedes, campus kangaroo courts were widely criticized by civil libertarians across the political divide.

“Judges of all stripes around the country have been concerned with fairness in these proceedings,” said Nancy Gertner, a Harvard Law School professor and retired federal judge appointed by President Clinton.

It was these concerns that prompted US Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos to issue new rules to Title IX hearings in April that strengthened the rights of those accused of sexual misconduct, including the right to cross-examine accusers and preventing investigators from also serving as case judges. (Former Vice President Joe Biden has said he’d reverse Devos’s ruling if elected president, which prompted some to point out that Biden, who like the current president stands accused of sexual assault, would be guilty under the current standard.)

Few would argue that protecting the rights of sexual assault victims is important, but it’s worth noting that among the critics of the previous standard was Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

The Post admits the “feminist icon, surprised some victim’s advocates in a 2018 interview with the Atlantic magazine” when she said many of the criticisms of college codes were legitimate.

“The person who is accused has a right to defend herself or himself, and we certainly should not lose sight of that,” Ginsburg said. “There’s been criticism of some college codes of conduct for not giving the accused person a fair opportunity to be heard, and that’s one of the basic tenets of our system, as you know, everyone deserves a fair hearing.”

Ginsburg is correct that due process and a fair hearing for the accused are fundamental principles of the American system. Yet hundreds of individuals who believe they were denied fair hearings and are seeking redress from universities have found the path difficult due to legal technicalities.

Plaintiffs tend to claim their rights were violated in two ways: 1) the unveristiy violated the plaintiff’s right to due process; 2) the school discriminated against the plaintiff on the basis of sex, violating Title IX.

Prior to Purdue vs. Doe, the Post reports, courts often upheld accused student claims of due process violations “but rejected their Title IX arguments on the grounds that the students had failed a complicated series of legal tests first established in 1994.” Essentially, plaintiffs had to prove not just that their due process rights were violated, but that they were violated on the basis of their sex.

Barrett’s ruling, however, was instrumental in lowering the burden of proof plaintiffs had to show.

“It is plausible that [university officials] chose to believe Jane because she is a woman and to disbelieve John because he is a man,” Barrett wrote in her opinion, citing the political pressure the Obama administration had put on schools to address sexual assault.

Barrett’s opinion was adopted by other courts, and it was this reasoning that caused women’s rights groups to criticize the appellate judge.

Emily Martin of the National Women’s Law Center bristled at the idea of “replacing [Ginsburg] with a judge who is eager to use the language of sex discrimination in order to defend the status quo, and to use the statutes that were created to forward gender equality as swords against that very purpose.”

We’ll never know if Ginsburg would have believed it was plausible to assume that sex played a role in the university show trials that allowed hundreds of people accused of sex crimes to be found guilty without due process or a fair hearing.

What we do know is that on the broader issue of campus kangaroo courts, Ginsburg and Barrett found common ground.

“We have a system of justice where people who are accused get due process, so it’s just applying to this field what we have applied generally,” Ginsburg told The Atlantic in 2018.

Indeed. It was for this reason that America’s founders carved out specific protections for the principle, declaring in the Fifth Amendment that no person shall “be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law… .”

Universities have long been able to deny due process to students accused of sexual crimes, because the allegations against them are not criminal charges. This is a grave injustice.

Accusing individuals of heinous sexual misconduct is a serious matter. A verdict of guilt will be carried with students for the rest of their lives and has the potential to impact their career and future earnings, not to mention their reputation. Such matters are far too serious to withhold from the accused fundamental tenets of our system designed to ensure justice and fairness.

Justice Ginsburg and Judge Barrett might have had starkly different constitutional views, but on this basic idea of justice they found common ground.

Jonathan Miltimore is the Managing Editor of FEE.org. His writing/reporting has been the subject of articles in TIME magazine, The Wall Street Journal, CNN, Forbes, Fox News, and the Star Tribune.

https://fee.org/articles/ruth-bader-ginsburg-agreed-with-amy-coney-barrett-that-campus-kangaroo-courts-were-a-problem/

Categories
Due Process Title IX

Biden v. the Courts on Title IX

Appellate rulings have shredded colleges for denying due-process protections—the same protections that the Democratic nominee promises to revoke.

by KC Johnson, September 15, 2020

“Any number of federal constitutional and statutory provisions reflect the proposition that, in this country, we determine guilt or innocence individually—rather than collectively, based on one’s identification with some demographic group,” wrote U.S. Appeals Court Judge Raymond Kethledge in a late June opinion. “That principle has not always been perfectly realized in our Nation’s history, but as judges it is one that we take an oath to enforce.”

Kethledge’s words revived a lawsuit filed by an Oberlin College student who claimed that his school had unfairly found him guilty of sexual misconduct. Over a 100-day period this summer, four appeals courts, including the Sixth Circuit in the Oberlin case, issued rulings expressing concerns that universities, however well-intentioned, had discriminated against an accused student on account of his sex, in violation of Title IX. The decisions, applying to 23 states, represent the latest fallout from the 2011 and 2014 federal guidance pressuring colleges to respond aggressively to what the Obama administration considered a national epidemic of campus sexual assault. The recommended procedures, however, too often denied accused students a meaningful chance to defend themselves. Obama administration officials threatened to withdraw federal funding from schools that resisted these directives, “strongly” discouraging cross-examination and urging colleges to handle Title IX cases without a hearing and through a “trauma-informed” approach that presented virtually any behavior as consistent with the accused student’s guilt.

Without recorded dissent from House or Senate Democrats, Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden has promised to restore the guidance that these summer decisions have resisted. Neither Biden nor any congressional Democrat has acknowledged these recent Appeals Court rulings—nor, for that matter, any of the 189 state or federal rulings favorable to accused students since the 2011 policy change.

This silence might seem to suggest an obvious question to reporters: would Democrats, who have denounced the Trump administration for defying the rule of law, now pressure universities to defy multiple federal court rulings? Such a line of questioning seems unlikely, though, if only because none of the summer’s appellate decisions has received a mention from the New York Times. Or the Washington Post. Or the Los Angeles Times.

This lack of attention is unfortunate, since the Appeals Court decisions illustrate three themes typifying how colleges have mishandled Title IX adjudications. The first is a sense that some cases feature a preordained outcome—an indifference to innocence in situations where a guilty finding would satisfy the campus demand for vigorous prosecution. Oberlin was one such case, as was a case at the University of Arkansas, which led to an Eighth Circuit decision earlier this month. In both incidents, the accused student was found guilty even as the accuser significantly changed her story during the disciplinary process. The Oberlin panel attributed behavior to the accuser that didn’t meet the school’s definition of incapacitation; the Arkansas tribunal failed to find the accusing student incapacitated during the incident itself, or in a way that the accused student could have recognized. No wonder the Eighth Circuit deemed the Arkansas panel’s decision “unexplained.”

The Appeals Court rulings also addressed procedural irregularities that often beset Title IX adjudications as a whole. Ignoring requirements for “fair” procedures under Pennsylvania law, the University of the Sciences, a private institution in Philadelphia, expelled an accused student without a hearing. (In a May 29 decision, the Third Circuit revived the student’s lawsuit.) Arizona State University likewise avoided a hearing for an accused graduate student—even as a professor improperly shared confidential information from the university’s preliminary investigation with other students. (In a July 29 decision, the Ninth Circuit revived the student’s lawsuit.) While Oberlin did permit a hearing, the student’s college-appointed advocate left in the middle of the proceedings, leaving him unrepresented. Soon thereafter, the advisor retweeted his confidence in all sexual assault survivors.

Given the seriousness of sexual assault allegations, it might seem self-evident that universities should employ formal procedures that ensure the rights of both parties. But in the Title IX realm, it has become an article of faith that increased reporting by victims requires a process that shields the complainant from rigorous questioning by the accused student or his lawyer.

Finally, universities were under governmental pressure for allegedly not being tough enough on the accused in previous sexual assault cases and not arbitrating the cases fairly. In such an environment, the Eighth Circuit’s Steven Colloton wondered, “Why wouldn’t it be plausible for [the university] to say, ‘Well, we’ll find more men responsible, and maybe we’ll go light on the punishment to kind of smooth things over?’”

Judge Colloton’s question identified the crucial difference between courtroom and campus processes: a judge or jury cannot have a connection to parties in a criminal or civil case, but the university always has a stake in a Title IX outcome. Sometimes, accused students get favorable treatment, as in high-profile allegations against star football players at Florida State or Louisiana State. Most accused undergraduates, however, aren’t Heisman Trophy winners whose continued enrollment benefits the university financially. Their fate more closely resembles that of the Arkansas student, whose school’s chief interest seemed to be stopping the bad publicity from campus protests. In theory, the new federal Title IX regulations, which require colleges to use fairer procedures, will protect against the injustices identified in the recent appellate decisions. But political, legal, and university opposition to the regulations cloud their future. It may be that federal courts will need to continue to correct campus processes that too often seem indifferent to justice.

https://www.city-journal.org/biden-v-courts-title-ix

Categories
Department of Education Due Process Office for Civil Rights Title IX

Numerous Groups and Individuals Applaud New Title IX Regulation

INDEPENDENT WOMEN’S FORUM: “IWF applauds the Title IX federal regulations released today by the Department of Education. The new regulations—for the first time—codify the obligation of schools to address claims of sexual misconduct. They also require that schools conduct all sexual misconduct investigations without bias and in a non-discriminatory manner.”

YOUNG AMERICA’S FOUNDATION: “These bold reforms – driven by unprecedented input from the American people – will restore constitutional principles and allow students to be confident in fairness and accountability from their schools.”

FOUNDATION FOR INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS IN EDUCATION: “Advocates for free speech and due process on campus won one of their biggest-ever victories today with the finalization of long-awaited new Department of Education Title IX regulations. The regulations guarantee critical due process protections that Americans recognize as essential to securing justice, but that have for too long been denied to students accused of sexual misconduct on college campuses.”

JEANNIE SUK GERSEN, HARVARD LAW SCHOOL: “The major story here is that for the first time, the regulations are really making it clear that there are certain elements to a fair process. It’s not just telling schools to be fair, which they have been told by the Education Department multiple times. These regs are actually laying out some of the elements that the department thinks are essential to making a process fair in the college disciplinary context.”

NINA J. GINSBERG, PRESIDENT OF THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR CRIMINAL DEFENSE LAWYERS: “The restoration of due process on campus is essential…America’s colleges and universities are where millions of young adults are not just learning from textbooks and lectures — they are also becoming civically engaged members of a community, of a social order. We cannot expect young adult students to understand and defend core constitutional principles once they leave campus if some of those core principles that apply in America’s justice system are honored only in the breach by the educational institutions presiding over student misconduct proceedings.”

NADINE STROSSEN, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE ACLU: “One of the best things about the DeVos guidelines is that it really goes back to square one of what the purpose of Title IX is.”

JUDGE RAYMOND KETHLEDGE, U.S. COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SIXTH CIRCUIT: “Any number of federal constitutional and statutory provisions reflect the proposition that, in this country, we determine guilt or innocence individually—rather than collectively, based on one’s identification with some demographic group. That principle has not always been perfectly realized in our Nation’s history, but as judges it is one that we take an oath to enforce.”

KIMBERLY LAU, JAMES FIGLIOZZI AND BRANDEN LYNN, ATTORNEYS AT WARSHAW BURSTEIN: “Placed in an unenviable position, DOE sought to strike a balance by integrating the bedrock principles of due process found within our legal system while also providing continuous support to complainants… As legal practitioners, we believe the final regulations, while not perfect, represent a step in the right direction for Title IX.”

MICHAEL POWELL, NEW YORK TIMES: “Ms. DeVos’ actions won praise from a surprising audience: an influential group of feminist legal scholars who applauded the administration for repairing what they viewed as unconscionable breaches in the rights of the accused.”

DOUGLAS WILDER, FORMER GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA: “…the Department of Education has taken a major step toward improving one area with a longtime culture of injustice. Education Secretary Betsy DeVos recently strengthened Title IX protections for the survivors of sexual misconduct on campus, while instituting due process in campus proceedings.”

JUSTICE RUTH BADER GINSBURG, U.S. SUPREME COURT: “The person who is accused has a right to defend herself or himself, and we certainly should not lose sight of that…[it’s] one of the basic tenets of our system…everyone deserves a fair hearing.”

STACI SLEIGH-LAYMAN, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF HUMAN RESOURCES AND THE TITLE IX COORDINATOR AT CENTRAL WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY: “These new changes give a lot of credibility and due process and equal kind of attention to the person accused as well as the person coming forward… they put in place a process that seeks to provide due process for both sides.”

BUDDY ULLMAN, FORMER PROFESSOR AT THE OREGON HEALTH & SCIENCE UNIVERSITY: “I am a progressive Democrat and enthusiastic supporter of the new Title IX Rule that was recently issued by Education Secretary Betsy DeVos. The DeVos Rule provides colleges and universities with a detailed and uniform modus operandi on how they must handle gender discrimination, sexual harassment, and sexual assault disputes. The new regulations emphasize fairness, equitability, due process protections, and extensive supportive measures for all parties, all of which have been.”

R. SHEP MELNICK, BROOKINGS INSTITUTION: “Not only was the Education Department’s rulemaking process extraordinarily extensive and its response to comments meticulous, but its final rules return to the legal framework established by the Supreme Court over two decades ago… the new administrative regulations are less radical—and more demanding—than the Education Department’s critics often suggest… the Department of Education deserves credit for going through a transparent, time-consuming, and rigorous rulemaking process and respecting the Supreme Court’s interpretation of Title IX.”

What They’re Saying

Categories
Campus Discrimination Due Process False Allegations Rape-Culture Hysteria Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX Victims Violence

UNC Wants SCOTUS to Review Ruling Mandating Release of Sexual Assault Sanctions

Updated August 8, 2020

 — The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill intends to ask the United States Supreme Court to review a 4-3 decision by the Supreme Court of North Carolina that ordered the school to release the names of students found responsible and sanctioned for sexual misconduct.

After a nearly four-year legal fight, UNC released a list of 15 names in response to a request for all sanctions issued for sexual misconduct since 2007.

The release of the records comes three months after the state Supreme Court sided with a coalition of North Carolina media organizations that sued the university after it denied a 2016 public records request for the information. The coalition includes Capitol Broadcasting Co., WRAL’s parent company, as well as UNC-Chapel Hill’s student newspaper, The Daily Tar Heel.

“We, along with many advocates for  survivors  of sexual assault and interpersonal violence, still believe the release of these records will inevitably lead to an increased risk of the identification of  survivors  and key witnesses and  could discourage others from participating in the Title IX process,” said Joel Curran, vice chancellor of University Communications.

“Universities should not be forced to release student records that could identify sexual assault  survivors,” Curran said.

Annie Clark, a former student who has spent seven years advocating for more transparency about sexual assaults on campus, says the release of the names is a step in the right direction.

“We have a lot of survivor advocates and survivors themselves who want these names released, who want to have that vindication,” Clark said. “But you also have a lot of folks who don’t want that, who feel like, if their perpetrator’s or alleged perpetrator’s name is released, that it puts them in danger.”

Clark was one of five women who filed a complaint with the U.S. Department of Education in 2013 accusing UNC-Chapel Hill of underreporting sexual assault cases for 2010 in an annual report to the federal government on campus crime. It also alleged that campus officials allowed a hostile environment for students reporting sexual assault.

“It is very surprising that, over the course of years, that there are only 15 people who have been found responsible that the university released,” Clark said. “What we know is that one in four or one in five women, depending on the statistics used, are sexually assaulted before they graduate, drop out or leave college in another way.”

Clark wants UNC-Chapel Hill and other universities to release even more information, including how many total assaults are reported, how many are investigated and how many result in sanctions.

“There is a lot further to go,” she said. “I think we need to look beyond this one story of releasing names and look more towards why are people still doing, why are people are still getting away with and where are those aggregate numbers and where are people falling through the cracks.”

On UNC-Chapel Hill’s website for its Equal Opportunity Compliance office, sexual assault victims are encouraged to report criminal activity to law enforcement; however, accusers can choose to pursue a case through a university process that’s been kept completely confidential.

As for its internal process, Curran said, “The University’s Title IX policy and process are mandated by the federal government and are separate and distinct from any criminal process.”

“Sanctions are tailored to the unique facts and circumstances of each report, and the University’s Equal Opportunity and Compliance Office investigators and hearing panelists consider a variety of factors when determining the appropriate sanction,” said Leslie Minton, associate director of media relations. “Those factors are listed in the procedures associated with the Policy on Prohibited Discrimination, Harassment and Related Misconduct. This is an educational process focused on maximizing equal access to educational programs and activities and the safety and well-being of our students and campus community.

WRAL News has a team of reporters gathering more information on the students named and intends to share more information.

Source: https://www.wral.com/unc-wants-scotus-to-review-ruling-mandating-release-of-sexual-assault-sanctions/19225371/