Categories
Campus Discrimination Legal Office for Civil Rights

Complaint: MIT discriminates against males and white people through nearly 30 different programs

JOHN RIGOLIZZO – RUTGERS UNIVERSITY 

‘MIT is apparently either unaware of federal civil rights laws, or it thinks it’s above the law’

A complaint has been leveled against the Massachusetts Institute of Technology for 27 alleged violations of Title VI and Title IX of the Civil Rights Act.

The complaint, authored by University of Michigan-Flint economics Professor Mark Perry, was filed with the Boston-based Office of Civil Rights in late May.

Of the 27 MIT programs cited in the complaint, 24 are alleged to be in violation of Title IX, which protects against discrimination on the basis of sex in schools.

Two other MIT programs are alleged to be in violation of Title VI, which protects against discrimination on the basis of race, color or national origin.

And one program is accused by Perry of violating both laws.

Perry has made a habit of filing Civil Rights complaints against public universities, and has filed 326 of this nature since 2016.

But he noted in an email to The College Fix that MIT’s 27 alleged violations “sets a new record for the greatest number of violations I’ve found at a single college or university.”

The complaint came in at 2,300 words and six pages and Perry said there may even be “additional violations that weren’t uncovered.”

“MIT is apparently either unaware of federal civil rights laws, or it thinks it’s above the law,” Perry told The Fix. “Either way [it’s] a pretty sad indictment of MIT.”

Most of the alleged complaints targeted programs that benefited only women and excluded men, such as scholarships, study groups, career networking, graduate-level groups, educational seminars and similar efforts. Several of the programs cited in Perry’s complaint are for middle and high school female students only.

For the Title VI complaints, one benefitted entrepreneurs who are Black, Indigenous and People of Color, or BIPOC, and another is a professional fund for LGBTQ students of color.

The complaint that listed both Title IX and Title VI is MIT’s Women of Color Professional Fund.

The College Fix reached out to MIT’s media relations department for a response to the complaint, but the department, as well as Director Kimberly Allen and Deputy Director Sarah McDonnell, did not reply to requests for comment.

As for Perry, he told The College Fix that as of this week, he has filed complaints against 326 colleges and universities for more than 1,200 Title IX and Title VI violations, and 158 of those complaints have been opened so for federal civil rights investigations, and about 50 investigations have been resolved in his favor.

Perry’s first victory came in 2016 when he successfully got a women-only study lounge changed to an all-student lounge at Michigan State.

As for MIT, Perry said he expected that MIT would “stubbornly fight” to keep its single-sex, female-only programs.

But instead, he added, MIT should either discontinue their discriminatory practices, convert them to co-educational programs for males and females, or introduce equivalent male-only programs to ensure equal access to the same opportunities and funding.

Complaint: MIT discriminates against males and white people through nearly 30 different programs | The College Fix

Categories
Campus Due Process Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

Disregarding Bogus Claims of Activists, Vast Majority of Americans Support Campus Due Process

PRESS RELEASE

Contact: Rebecca Stewart

Telephone: 513-479-3335

Email: info@saveservices.org

Disregarding Bogus Claims of Activists, Vast Majority of Americans Support Campus Due Process

WASHINGTON / June 9, 2021 – For years, campus activists have promoted a narrative about campus sexual assault using inflammatory terms such as “rape culture.” But analyses reveal these claims to be factually untrue, pointing to the need to restore campus fairness. Over the last decade, campus groups have made a series of questionable claims.

These groups portray campus sexual assault as an exclusively a male-on-female problem. But according to the Centers for Disease Control, nearly identical numbers of men and women are victims of sexual violence. The National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey reports that each year, 1.270 million women are raped, and 1.267 million men are “made to sexually penetrate” by their female partners (1).

Activists also have repeated the factoid that only 2-10% of sexual assault allegations are false (2). But the actual number is much higher. According to Brett Sokolow, head of the Association of Title IX Administrators, “Probably 40 or 50% of allegations of sexual assault are baseless.” (3)

More concerning is the belief that due process is an obstacle, not conduit to justice. According to this theory, the solution to campus sexual assault was to remove due process protections for the accused. As a result, reporting of incidents supposedly would increase, convictions would multiply, and sexual assault would be curbed. This was the rationale for the federal Dear Colleague Letter policy of 2011, which eliminated due process protections for the accused, such as the right to be represented by counsel.

But the “due process as an obstacle to justice” theory backfired.

A survey sponsored by the American Association of Universities documented increases in campus sexual assaults from 2015 to 2019 among undergraduates, growing by 1.4% for men and 3.0% among women. In 2019, only 11.2% of sexual assaults were reported to campus police, partly because only 45% of victims believed that school officials were “very likely” or “extremely likely” to take their report seriously (4).

Part of the problem can be traced to campus Title IX Coordinators who came to view their role as advocates, not neutral administrators. In many cases, these Coordinators made snap decisions of innocence or guilt, even before the formal investigation began. An early survey of Title IX coordinators concluded that these persons “did not consistently comply with requirements requiring mandatory reporting, did not consistently provide notice to respondents, and often departed from the investigation, documentation, and reporting requirements” of the Department of Education (5).

A 2020 YouGov survey commissioned by SAVE revealed strong public support for campus due process, as well (6):

  • Students accused of crimes on college campuses should receive the same civil liberties protections from their colleges that they receive in the court system: 68%
  • Students accused of sexual assault on college campuses should be punished only if there is clear and convincing evidence that they are guilty of a crime: 75%
  • Students accused of sexual assault on college campuses should have the right to know the charges against them before being called to defend themselves: 80%

Democrats and Republicans expressed similarly high levels of support for campus fairness (7).

This week, the federal Office for Civil Rights is holding a Public Hearing on the Title IX regulation that took effect last August. The Comment submitted by SAVE highlights the strong bipartisan support for campus due process among lawmakers, newspaper editorial boards, organizations, and individual commentators (8).

SAVE urges lawmakers and college administrators to disregard the dubious claims of activist groups, and instead work to uphold the quintessential principle of fairness and due process.

Links:

  1. https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/10.2105/AJPH.2014.301946
  2. https://cdn.atixa.org/website-media/atixa.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/12193336/Lisak-False-Allegations-16-VAW-1318-2010.pdf
  3. https://www.thecentersquare.com/national/legal-experts-say-bidens-pushing-ahead-to-the-obama-past-on-campus-rape-could-be/article_184d1e3a-3fc0-11eb-956d-87947675f52c.html
  4. https://www.aau.edu/newsroom/press-releases/aau-releases-2019-survey-sexual-assault-and-misconduct
  5. https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/232687125.pdf
  6. https://www.saveservices.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/YouGov-Poll-on-Campus-Due-Process-11.16.2020.xlsx
  7. https://www.saveservices.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/YouGov-Poll-with-political-party-identification-11.18.2020.xlsx
  8. https://www.saveservices.org/title-ix-regulation/
Categories
Campus Due Process Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

SAVE Oral Testimony to the Office for Civil Rights

SAVE Oral Testimony to the Office for Civil Rights

June 7, 2021

Good morning. My name is Edward Bartlett. I am the president of SAVE, a non-partisan organization that is working for campus fairness and due process. SAVE advocates on behalf of both complainants and respondents.

One of the misconceptions surrounding the sexual harassment debate is that the issue is a partisan one that separates Democrats and Republicans. But is that really true?

First, let’s look at the statements issued by law school professors, who are generally inclined to be liberal. Beginning in 2014, law professors from Harvard Law School,[1] the University of Pennsylvania,[2] and Cornell Law School [3] issued strongly worded statements in support of campus due process.

Second, let’s look at a recent public opinion poll.  A 2020 YouGov poll commissioned by SAVE found that two-thirds to four-fifths of all Americans agreed with the due process questions that were asked [4]. The survey reported similar levels of support among Democrats and Republicans.[5]

Third, let’s look at the judges who have issued rulings in favor of campus due process. A 2019 analysis published in the New York University Journal of Legislation and Public Policy looked at the number of pro-due process decisions by judges who had been nominated by Presidents Clinton, Bush, and Obama. The report found, “no meaningful statistical correlation exists between the [judicial] outcome and [which president] nominated the judge.”[6]

Fourth, let’s examine the statements published in the last three months, after the Department of Education announced it would be reviewing the 2020 regulation. The editorial boards of five major newspapers weighed in, in support of campus fairness:

  1. Detroit News [7]
  2. Los Angeles Times [8]
  3. New York Daily News [9]
  4. Washington Post [10]
  5. Wall Street Journal [11]

Of these newspapers, four are generally regarded as liberal, and one, the Wall Street Journal, viewed as conservative.

Finally, former Democratic presidential candidate Michael Bloomberg issued a strongly worded editorial on March 25.[12] Referring to the campus regime established under the 2011 Dear Colleague Letter, Bloomberg explained, “Alleged victims said that schools failed to investigate their claims professionally…. Accused students were routinely denied the right to examine evidence, receive written notice of the charges against them, or cross-examine witnesses.”

Bloomberg concluded, “College students deserve a better and more just system, and the Biden administration should undertake to create it.”

SAVE looks forward to continuing conversations with the Office for Civil Rights. Thank you.

Citations:

[1] https://www.bostonglobe.com/opinion/2014/10/14/rethink-harvard-sexual-harassment-policy/HFDDiZN7nU2UwuUuWMnqbM/story.html

[2] http://media.philly.com/documents/OpenLetter.pdf

[3] https://www.scribd.com/document/375274931/John-Doe-v-Cornell-Motion-of-23-Cornell-Law-Professors-to-File-Amicus-Brief-in-Support-of-Student

[4] SAVE, (November 16, 2020), YouGov Poll on Campus Due Process. https://www.saveservices.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/YouGov-Poll-on-Campus-Due-Process-11.16.2020.xlsx

[5] SAVE (November 18, 2020), YouGov Poll with Political Party Identification. https://www.saveservices.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/YouGov-Poll-with-political-party-identification-11.18.2020.xlsx

[6] https://nyujlpp.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Harris-Johnson-Campus-Courts-in-Court-22-nyujlpp-49.pdf

[7] The Detroit News (May 10, 2021), Opinion: Keep Title IX sex assault rules constitutional. https://www
.yourdailyjournal.com/opinion/100732/opinion-keep-title-ix-sex-assault-rules-constitutional

[8] The (Los Angeles) Times Editorial Board (March 22, 2021), Editorial: Betsy Devos’s campus sex-assault rules need a tweak, not an overhaul.  https://news.yahoo.com/editorial-betsy-devoss-campus-sex-100019802.html

[9]Daily News Editorial Board (March 10, 2021), Fairness for accusers & accused: Biden shouldn’t mess with Title IX improvements on sexual misconduct.  https://www.nydailynews.com/opinion/ny-edit-biden-title-ix-changes-20210310-hn6wmbuwgfflnld72aj24qclse-story.html

[10] The Washington Post Editorial Board (March 28, 2021), Opinion: Biden has a chance to restore balance to the rules on campus sexual assault. https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/biden-has-a-chance-to-restore-balance-to-the-rules-on-campus-sexual-assault/2021/03/28/cc4416fc-8767-11eb-8a8b-5cf82c3dffe4_story.html

[11] WSJ Editorial Board (March 4, 2021), Here Comes the Due Process Rollback, House Democrats want Biden to repeal campus protections in sexual misconduct cases. https://www.wsj.com/articles/here-comes-the-due-process-rollback-11614902297

[12] https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2021-03-25/title-ix-biden-should-bring-better-justice-to-u-s-universities

Categories
Campus Due Process Title IX

Hostile Environment Concerns May Cancel Academic Freedom

Hostile Environment Concerns May Cancel Academic Freedom

David B. Porter, DPhil, Col, USAF (Ret.)

June 6, 2021

I am a 72-year-old veteran and acknowledge my many blessings and privileges.  I graduated from the Air Force Academy with distinction in 1971 with an engineering degree; a year later, I earned a master’s degree from UCLA in Industrial Relations and Labor Law.  After serving as a rescue helicopter pilot and aircraft maintenance officer, I returned to the Air Force Academy faculty. Later, I completed my doctorate in Experimental Cognitive Psychology at Oxford University.  In 1996, I was selected by the Academy and confirmed by the Senate as the third Permanent Professor and Head of the Department of Behavioral Sciences and Leadership.

Throughout my career, I’ve supported diversity and inclusion. I earned AF qualifications as an Equal Opportunity & Treatment Officer and Race Relations Instructor.  As an Organizational Maintenance Officer, our unit was the first to be assigned female aircraft mechanics; the following year, we won the Dedalian Award for the best Aircraft Maintenance in the AF.  At the Academy, I advised the first female cadet to finish first in Graduation Order of Merit; I led efforts to integrate women & civilians into the Academy’s faculty and I sponsored the Cadet Free Thinkers.  I drafted the Academy Core Values (which later became the Air Force Core Values) and the initial Operations Plan for the integration of gays and lesbians into the Cadet Wing in 1995.

I’ve been a “consultant evaluator” for three regional educational accrediting bodies and was on key academic committees for Western Governors University. I served as Provost at Berea College from 2001-2005 and as a tenured professor of psychology and general studies until 2018.  I’ve sought to implement the goals of diversity, equity, and inclusion throughout my lifetime.

This is why I was so deeply disappointed when I observed the negative consequences of Title IX’s Dear Colleague Letters on my campus.

Trying to combat racism and discrimination without authentic assessment and due process is like trying to fight a fire while blindfolded.  Hosing down a fire chief because he happens to be “some old white guy” is not an effective tactic.  As an advisor to a faculty respondent charged with discrimination in selection and promotion, retaliation, and creating hostile environment, I saw nearly all the critical due process safeguards I had learned as an Air Force Equal Opportunity and Treatment Officer abandoned.

The college’s Title IX coordinator was an advocate rather than an administrator, mediator, or arbitrator.  A slip-shod investigation undertaken by misinformed and poorly prepared social justice zealots, ignored objective contrary evidence and obvious exaggerations, misinformation, and demonstrably false claims by the grievants.  The administrative goal was successful prosecution rather than fair and equitable treatment.  I was embarrassed for my college and for the cause I had served for so long.

Berea College is not the only place where such travesties have occurred; there are hundreds of others who have been unjustly accused and dismissed for doing or saying things subjectively assumed to be “dangerous” or “threatening.”  Emotions are important and microaggressions can be real, however, objective analysis of the variables involved is essential.

In 2018, I developed a survey of identity, beliefs, perceptions, & judgments related to hostile learning environments & academic freedom with my Industrial/Organizational classes.  Some of the scenarios it included were derived from actual incidents both at Berea College and elsewhere.  No names were revealed, and race and/or gender were sometimes changed to obscure the identity of the guilty as well as the innocent.  The survey was reviewed by my acting department chair, my academic division chair, and the chair of the Institutional Review Board.  No one expressed ethical concerns or harm to others.

For posting this survey as a part of my course, I was suspended, prohibited from communicating with students, and banished from campus.  To the best of my knowledge, there was never an investigation and suggestions of mediation or compromise were quickly squelched by a zealous dean who falsely claimed to my colleagues that I was “unrepentant and unapologetic” despite clear evidence to the contrary.  After a 10-week suspension based on fears expressed by un-identified grievants; my professional competence was questioned; my tenure was revoked; and I was dismissed for cause.  A presentation of the results of our study is available at https://davesfsc.com.  We found that identity and beliefs predict a perception of environmental hostility, and that this perception negatively influences judgments about academic freedom.

The enhanced protections for due process incorporated in the Office for Civil Rights 2020 regulation must be retained and strengthened. A formal assessment of program effects on campuses must be integrated into all programs and policies. As our research suggests, the more that is done to increase sensitivity to micro-aggressions and exaggerated perceptions of “hostility,” the greater the potential damage to academic freedom and higher learning.

“When we tell the truth, we honor all those who have given their all…” — Anonymous Gold Star Father, 2021

Categories
Campus Due Process Free Speech Title IX

Expelling the Innocent: The New Campus Black List

Expelling the Innocent: The New Campus Black List

James Moore

June 2, 2021

In 2011 the US Department of Education published a “Dear Colleague” letter pertaining to Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 and its implementing regulations.  The letter emphasized that sexual harassment of students, including sexual violence, is a form of sex discrimination prohibited in education programs operated by recipients of Federal funds.

The 2011 letter threatened termination of any federal funding, including research funding, for universities failing to conform to this guidance.  In 2014 DOE issued a “Question and Answer” document providing further direction, and U.S. colleges and universities largely upended their procedures for responding to allegations of student sexual misconduct.  The remedy institutions usually found for protecting students from peers found responsible for sexual violence consisted of expelling men from school, too often on weak grounds.

The 2011 and 2014 documents both provide sub-regulatory guidance, so they technically did not have the force of law.  However, they were simple for the DOE to implement and delivered a frightening threat to institutional leaders.  Such guidance could be created entirely at the discretion of the DOE Office of Civil Rights without collecting and responding to public comments.  Because guidance is not technically a regulatory rule, it is notoriously difficult to challenge.

The DOE’s guidance addressed a genuine problem.  Absent an external criminal finding, schools had little incentive to respond in a substantive way to sexual misconduct complaints from students.  Doing so would draw negative attention that placed schools at a disadvantage in the competition for students.

Unfortunately, the DOE’s guidance created new problems at least as troubling as those remedied, because it required colleges and universities to abandon procedural fairness for students accused of sexual misconduct.  Institutions that declined this guidance might find themselves the subject of DOE Title IX investigations, and had a compelling incentive to curry federal favor by accepting any amount of bad advice the agency offered.  Expulsions of both guilty and innocent students accelerated.

The harm done by expelling innocent students is substantial, because it is nearly impossible to matriculate at a new school unless a student is in good standing at his or her previous institution.  Hundreds of aggrieved students sued their schools over the due process withheld from them, and were more often than not successful in court.  Civil judgements mounted against institutions doing the DOE’s bidding.

Faculty efforts to hold institutions to due process drew retaliation from terrified school administrators.  I spent 26 years living in a student residence hall guiding undergraduates, whom I tried to insist my institution continue to treat fairly.  I am confident my efforts led to a 2015 termination of my resident faculty role by a former vice president for student affairs.  I was less prepared for the 2018 student protest demonstration against my employment instigated by a former dean.

The Trump administration moved methodically to revoke and replace the guidance in the DOE “Dear Colleague” and “Question and Answer” documents, but forewent the expediency offered by sub-regulatory guidance.  Instead, Secretary of Education Betsy Devos followed formal procedures to promulgate regulatory rules, including seeking and responding to public comments.  This was a thorough and unrushed effort that, unlike the Obama administration’s guidance, took none of the stakeholders by surprise.  After a closed-door summit in July of 2017 that included participation by due process advocates, Devos in September rescinded the guidance in the Dear Colleague letter, replaced it with interim guidance, and opened a notice-and-comment process for permanent regulations.

DeVos’ draft rule was published in November of 2018 and was finalized in May of 2020 after a review of more than 124,000 public comments.  It went into effect less than a year ago in August of 2020, the first Title IX regulations generated this formally since 1997.  DeVos’ rule has the unequivocal force of law.

The rule restores due process for accused students, protecting their rights and their institutions’ interests.  It requires universities to respond to allegations of student sexual misconduct in a quasi-judicial framework predicated on a presumption of innocence.  Complaining and responding parties are represented by an advisor, possibly a lawyer, and must be allowed to cross-examine each other through their advisors.  Adjudication is no longer restricted to the preponderance of evidence standard called out in 2011, but may instead be based on the higher standard of clear and convincing evidence.

President Biden has pledged to undo DeVos’ reforms.  One path is another multi-year process to promulgate yet another new rule.  The administration could ask Congress to expedite repeal of DeVos’ rules via the Congressional Review Act, but Congress will be reluctant to escalate the matter to themselves in the run up to the midterm elections.

In May, President Biden nominated Catherine Lhamon to return to her Obama administration role as the DOE’s Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights.  Lhamon is probably the individual most responsible for the due process crisis that DeVos sought to repair.  Lhamon’s capacity for overreach and disregard for constitutional guarantees may preclude her confirmation by the Senate.  Her opponents have ample evidence that the courts disagree with what she and the DOE Office of Civil Rights previously required of universities.

It is important the attack on DeVos’s Title IX reforms be blocked.  Under the guidance that DeVos revoked, the Department of Education took the immoral position that universities should punish more of their guilty students by more frequently punishing innocents.  This betrays bedrock principles of procedural fairness and is unacceptable on its face.  This approach reduced Obama’s DOE Office of Civil Rights into an executive branch exercise in McCarthyism.  Red-baiting was replaced by unsubstantiated rape accusations, and expulsion from college became the new black list.  We should not step back toward such moral bankruptcy.  DeVos undertook to dismantle an injustice factory, and the new rule that delivers her reforms should be retained.

James E. Moore, II is a Professor of Public Policy and Management and of Industrial and Systems Engineering at the University of Southern California.

Categories
Campus Title IX

Title IX Needs to Protect Every Student Present in the US, Including Dreamers

DACA’S DREAMERS AND TITLE IX REGULATORY DUE PROCESS: Title IX Needs to Protect Every Student Present in the US, Including Dreamers

Raul Jauregui, Esq.

June 2, 2021

Give or take an estimated 19 million people enrolled in higher education in the United States for fall 2020.[i]  And Title IX’s mission is to protect every single last one of them from sexual discrimination while enrolled.[ii]  However, common sense, and a number of theories, like Intersectionality, suggests that not every single last one of those students will be equally protected under Title IX.[iii]  The case of Dreamers, students with immigration status under President Obama’s DACA program, highlights the plight of those who are, in fact, more vulnerable to abuse during their schooling, and thus most at risk of missing out from Title IX’s promised protection for everyone.[iv]

There are between 600,000 to 800,000 DACA recipients.[v]  The task of getting them through higher education, these full English speaking persons who often times do not qualify for any financial aid, has brought out the best in the US.[vi]  Yet no one has stepped forward to protect Dreamer’s rights under Title IX.  This comment aims to do just that.[vii]  I have practiced Title IX student sexual misconduct since 2013, when I first sued Swarthmore College, a small school outside Philadelphia, and have now focused on the disenfranchisement that Title IX’s sexual misconduct regulations visit upon Dreamers, a group so compelling, that President Biden specifically mentioned them during his recent speech to a joint session of Congress:

Now, look, if you don’t like my plan, let’s at least pass what we all agree on.  Congress needs to pass legislation this year to finally secure protection for DREAMers — the young people who have only known America as their home.  (Applause.)” [viii]

Dreamers face discrimination three times over while in college: First they are systemically discriminated against because of their race. Second, Dreamers face discrimination because of their national origin.  Third, Dreamers, alone amongst all college students, face discrimination, and outright disparate impact, because Title IX, and particularly the due process eroding rule rollbacks currently under consideration, ignores the unique risk they face:  To maintain their DACA eligibility requirements, Dreamers cannot be convicted of significant misdemeanor offenses like the kind of sexual misconduct that Title IX rules establish.[ix]  To not be convicted, to stay in DACA, Dreamers will choose to not defend their side during a Title IX student misconduct hearing—particularly one that is stacked against them in terms of low to no due process in a system racially biased against them.  Thus, Dreamer’s risk under an ever weaker Title IX sexual misconduct rule environment constitutes the type of concrete and particularized harm needed to invoke Article III injury and have standing to sue.[x]

Title IX Standards Ignore DACA Status Risk

Most schools require little evidence of sexual misconduct to hold a Title IX compliant hearing because they will use preponderance as the evidentiary standard—only a feather more worth of evidence will skew the plates of justice on the complainant’s side even if the school presumes the respondent’s innocence.  Not surprisingly, US Title IX administrators, once weary of legalese infecting their jobs, have now rushed to praise and implement preponderance, out of all the other evidentiary standards, because it gives them the most latitude.[xi]  And yes, an important rationale for the preponderance standard remains that under it more “people” will use the system.  In fact, most of us Title IX practitioners assume that in-school sexual misconduct complaints would dwindle down to a trickle under a “clear and convincing” regime.  The downside of that is that “clear and convincing” provides higher hurdles to prove guilt thus protecting the vulnerable better.  In reality, for Title IX rules and rulemaking to provide a maximum of fairness for all “people”, the weaker the standard of proof allowed, the stronger the process due must be.

Inescapably, however, “people” and “due process” in Title IX’s parlance, does not reflect or consider the Dreamer’s reality.  Rather, the Title IX normative, and all of us its practitioners, assume that complainants and respondents have full citizenship and can speak loudly so they receive full fairness under preponderance-driven sexual misconduct processes.  We assume that every complainant and respondent risks nothing by complaining to OCR, or by suing their school. Not so for Dreamers who face serious risk.  What Title IX practice forgets, or chooses to ignore, is that Dreamers cannot just walk into OCR, or the Courts, unconcerned about consequences of that complaint to their immigration status. Title IX practice forgets that Dreamers may well opt out of the system, be they complainants or respondents, to not disturb their DACA eligibility.

Thus the risk for Dreamers, particularly under preponderance driven Title IX hearings, is real.  DACA eligibility requires that the Dreamer not be “convicted of a felony offense, [or of] a significant misdemeanor offense”[xii]  Under current Title IX rules, Dreamers can lose their DACA eligibility because a school proceeding can grow into a criminal one.  Simply put, the school’s investigation gathers incriminating evidence. Thus, Dreamers, particularly as respondents, are likely to chose forgoing their education rather than triggering a criminal inquiry which could follow from the school’s finding of responsibility.  The criminal inquiry, in turn, could trigger a loss of DACA status.  At that point the Dreamer, unique among all the other 19 million students subject to Title IX, has lost his immigration status, because of Title IX’s preponderance standard and currently considered due process roll back increased his risk.  Thus, Dreamers, unlike all other 19 million students subject to Title IX, may well opt out of the system and choose to not state their story to defend their reputation.  In addition, vis-à-vis their schools, Dreamers face the same racially implicit bias that has for years been known to affect people of color as criminal defendants.[xiii]  Thus it is of the outmost importance to strengthen, not weaken, the Due Process mechanisms in the Title IX rules because they even out the playing field for the most vulnerable, of which Dreamers represent an 800,000 person fractal.

Because DACA provides Dreamers with a fundamental benefit, the ability to live in the US, the entire DACA framework uses a “clear and convincing” standard, except when it overlaps with Title IX hearings which treats Dreamer’s sexual misconduct experience as a civil matter.[xiv]  US law protects Dreamers at every step with higher evidentiary standards for their prosecution because they do not have the power to withstand charges on their own.  But the one area where they are not protected with “clear and convincing” standards is in the College Title IX disciplinary setting.  Seen otherwise, the regular US citizen facing a Title IX hearing never has to fear deportation if he or she is found guilty.  Not so for the Dreamer: a finding of guilt on a Title IX process will trigger an expulsion.  The evidence backing that expulsion incriminates.  That risk creates a paradox for the Dreamer:  Either remain silent during the misconduct investigation and adjudication and hope to be exonerated, or speak up, and risk self-incrimination, to then be prosecuted criminally.  Paradoxes are not fair.  And strengthened due process considerations in the Title IX rules assuage that unfairness.

The Plight of Dreamers Demands Heightened, Not Lowered, Due Process Guarantees to be Written into Title IX’s Rules

Due process in Title IX, or “fairness” if the school is private, currently grants a minimum of protection to respondents and complainants of sexual misconduct.[xv]  At present OCR’s rules, formulated after an extensive public comment period, create a framework where Dreamers can state their case.[xvi]  Specifically, these current regulations barely protect Dreamers. Their erosion would subject them to Article III injury:

34 C.F.R. § 106.45(b)(5)(iii) (parties can gather evidence during investigation), (b)(5)(vi) (parties can inspect and review the investigation’s evidence including inculpatory and exculpatory evidence), and (b)(5)(vii) (school creates and all parties receive an investigative report for review and response) barely even out the field that Dreamers step onto during sexual misconduct proceedings.

These provisions in the current Title IX regulations state safe harbors allowing Dreamers to understand their risk and to defend against it before the hearing even takes place, or not.  To change these common sense due process or fairness provisions would put Dreamers at an even higher disadvantage for, as DACA applicants they really need to know all the evidence for they cannot risk self-incrimination from the unknown, while as people of color, they face more bias than the stereotypical white respondent does during an adjudicative process.

34 C.F.R. § 106.45(b)(6)(i) defends Dreamers because their right to a live hearing and cross-examination becomes their last resort to defend their name and maintain their DACA eligibility.  Again, in the context of a civil-like hearing that works under the “preponderance” standard, credibility assessments remain crucial, much more so when what is at stake involves maintaining an academic career and an immigration process for a person who faces systemic racial bias.  The Federal Courts broadly agree with the current state of this regulation.[xvii]  To change it would create a patchwork where Dreamers receive better or worse treatment according to their school’s state. That result frustrates Title IX’s goal to eradicate sex-based discrimination in education for all.

34 C.F.R. § 160.45(b)(5)(i) defends Dreamers because this provision of the new regulations puts the burden of proof and the burden of gathering enough evidence on the school, not on the Dreamer, or on the other student.  In effect, this regulation, if honestly implemented, mitigates the impact of the two great obstacles Title IX misconduct proceedings visit on Dreamers—that the “preponderance” standard requires legally unsophisticated people who cannot violate DACA’s eligibility requirements to risk their eligibility while defending against horrid accusations, and that as people of color they cannot escape systemic bias inherent to these proceedings.

IN CONCLUSION:  Title IX protects everyone, including Dreamers, from sex-based discrimination in education, and to do so it requires strengthened due process rules.

Citations:

[i] See, e.g., https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d19/tables/dt19_105.30.asp

[ii] Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972. Title IX protects people from discrimination based on sex in education programs or activities that receive federal financial assistance. Title IX states:

No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving Federal financial assistance.

TITLE IX OF THE EDUCATION AMENDMENTS OF 1972, 20 U.S.C. §1681 ET SEQ.

[iii] Intersectionality, a critical race theory of UCLA professor Kimberlé Crenshaw’s asks me, as a practitioner, to see every law as affecting any person differently and according to how many aspects of the person’s social, race and other identities move the outcome away from a statistical neutral that does not reflect human nature, see, e.g., https://www.vox.com/the-highlight/2019/5/20/18542843/intersectionality-conservatism-law-race-gender-discrimination

[iv] On January 20, 2021, President Biden issued a memorandum directing the Secretary of Homeland Security, in consultation with the Attorney General, to take appropriate action to preserve and fortify DACA, consistent with applicable law.  https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/consideration-of-deferred-action-for-childhood-arrivals-daca

[v] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deferred_Action_for_Childhood_Arrivals

[vi] https://www.thedream.us/

[vii] I publish my reactions to and impressions about Title IX as part of my law firm’s web page and they can be found here:  https://www.studentmisconduct.com/news

[viii] https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/04/29/remarks-by-president-biden-in-address-to-a-joint-session-of-congress/

[ix] The foundational document for DACA eligibility remains Homeland Security Secretary Napolitano’s memorandum on prosecutorial distraction of June 15, 2012, available at:  https://www.dhs.gov/xlibrary/assets/s1-exercising-prosecutorial-discretion-individuals-who-came-to-us-as-children.pdf

[x] See, e.g., “The record of this case makes plain that the two individual plaintiffs have standing to challenge the DHS Rule. They are two Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) recipients who plan to adjust their status in the future, J.A. 38, 43-44, and, more importantly, are presently forgoing specific financial resources (such as applying for student loans), J.A. 40, 45, out of concern that doing so would render them “public charges” at that later point. Unlike with CASA, this is the sort of concrete and particularized harm necessary to establish an Article III injury. The plaintiffs have also alleged sufficient facts to show that this injury is sufficiently actual or imminent, as they have explained how the Rule is having an immediate effect on their lives today, as they make specific plans in anticipation of adjusting their status in the future. Lastly, the two plaintiffs meet the causation and redress ability prongs of standing. We therefore shall proceed to address the plaintiffs’ arguments on the merits.”  [Internal citations omitted].

Casa de Maryland, Inc.; Angel Aguiluz; Monica Camacho Perez, Plaintiffs-Appellees, v. Donald J. Trump, 971 F.3d 220 (4th Cir., 2020).

[xi] See, e.g., Amy Chmielewski, Defending the Preponderance of the Evidence Standard in College Adjudications of Sexual Assault, 2013 BYU EDUC. & L.J. 143, 148 (2013). And see, Chris Loschiavo & Jennifer L. Waller, The Preponderance of the Evidence Standard: Use in Higher Education Campus Conduct Process, ASSOCIATION FOR STUDENT CONDUCT ADMINISTRATION (2015).  To be clear, the New Title IX Rules allow the school to choose a standard, and to apply that across the board.  See, 34 C.F.R. §160.45(b)(1)(vii).

[xii] See Note 9, Napolitano memorandum, supra.

[xiii] Schools, and those who populate them—both students and staff—bring profound racial bias to that environment.  Thus, Title IX’s effect on sexual misconduct proceedings exists within and must respond to the “structural and implicit racial bias pervading campuses.”  Jeannie Suk, Shutting Down Conversations about Rape at Harvard Law, NEW YORKER, Dec. 11, 2015, available at: https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/argument-sexual-assault-race-harvardlaw-school.  This racial bias affects Dreamers, all of whom by definition are students of color.  This racial bias has been perfectly measured and documented as a particularized harm for people of color who face adjudicatory proceedings which is precisely what the Title IX rules control.  “A study conducted in Detroit and published in 1996 controlled for a number of offender characteristics, case characteristics, and victim characteristics.26 The study found that the average sentence for blacks who were convicted of sexually assaulting whites was more than three years longer than the sentence for blacks who assaulted blacks, and more than four years longer than the sentence for whites who sexually assaulted whites. This study also found that black men who assaulted whites (whether the victim was a stranger or an acquaintance) and black men who assaulted black strangers received the harshest punishment, while black men who assaulted black acquaintances and white men who assaulted white women (stranger or nonstranger) received lighter punishments.”  Tushar Kansal, Racial Disparity in Sentencing, a Review of the Literature, p. 13, The Sentencing Project, January, 2005, available at: https://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/publications/racial-disparity-sentencing.

[xiv] See, e.g., Woodby v. INS, 385 U.S. 276, 285–86 (1966) (“To be sure, a deportation proceeding is not a criminal prosecution. But it does not syllogistically follow that a person may be banished from this country upon no higher degree of proof than applies in a negligence case. . . . In denaturalization cases the court has required the Government to establish its allegations by clear, unequivocal, and convincing evidence.” (citation omitted)); Chaunt v. United States, 364 U.S. 350, 353 (1960) (“[I]n view of the grave consequences to the citizen, naturalization decrees are not lightly to be set aside—the evidence must indeed be ‘clear, unequivocal, and convincing . . . .’” (quoting Schneiderman v. United States, 320 U.S. 118, 125 (1943))).

[xv] As I recently argued to Judge Marieka of Delaware District Court, due process for disciplinary matters in higher education exists because a robust consensus of US Courts see continuing one’s education and obtaining a degree as a protected property or liberty interest.  Dreamer’s have that right as well.  See e.g. Gorman v. Univ. of Rhode Island, 837 F.2d 7, 12 (1st Cir. 1988) (“a student facing expulsion or suspension from a public educational institution is entitled to the protections of due process”); Plummer v. Univ. of Houston, 860 F.3d 767, 773 (5th Cir. 2017) (students “have a liberty interest in their higher education”); Flaim v. Med. College of Ohio, 418 F.3d 629, 633 (6th Cir. 2005) (“the Due Process Clause is implicated by higher education disciplinary decisions”); Doe v. Purdue Univ., 928 F.3d 652, 663 (7th Cir. 2019) (student adequately alleged that school deprived him of a constitutionally protected interest); Jones v. Snead, 431 F.2d 1115, 1117 (8th Cir. 1970) (“procedural due process must be afforded a student on the college campus”); Gaspar v. Bruton, 513 F.2d 843, 850 (10th Cir. 1975) (“We have no difficulty in concluding” that such a right exists); Barnes v. Zaccari, 669 F.3d 1295, 1307 (11th Cir. 2012) (“the decisions of this court and the Supreme Court clearly established” that student had a constitutionally protected interest).  Additionally, at least two other Circuits have accepted this as an assumption without debate. Winnick v. Manning, 460 F.2d 545, 548 (2d Cir. 1972); Butler v. Rector & Bd. of Visitors of the College of William & Mary, 121 F.App’x 515, 518-519 (4th Cir. 2005).  This is also the view in the 3rd Circuit, where I live:  See, Van Le v. Univ. of Medicine & Dentistry, 379 F.App’x 171, 174 (3d Cir. 2010) stating: “The Due Process Clause protects students during disciplinary hearings at public institutions.” As a result, district courts in the Third Circuit reject any suggestion that the due process rights Juan invokes against his public school do not exist. (Comp. 108, 134). See e.g. Furey v. Temple Univ., 884 F.Supp.2d 223, 246 (E.D. Pa. 2012) (“There is no dispute that the plaintiff, a student at a state-funded school, is entitled to procedural due process in a disciplinary action against him.”).

[xvi] The implausible yet logical alternative to strengthening due process for all under Title IX would be to carve out an evidentiary standard exception from Title IX for not just Dreamers but also for other vulnerable populations, including students on the spectrum, students with severe ADHD, and students with diagnosed mental illness.  These groups would then face hearings requiring “clear and convincing” evidence.

[xvii]See, e.g., Doe v. Univ. of the Sciences, 961 F.3d 203, 215 (3d Cir. 2020) (“USciences’s contractual promises of ‘fair’ and ‘equitable’ treatment to those accused of sexual misconduct require at least a real, live, and adversarial hearing and the opportunity for the accused student or his or her representative to crossexamine witnesses—including his or her accusers.”); Haidak v. Univ. of Mass.-Amherst, 933 F.3d 56, 69 (1st Cir. 2019) (“[D]ue process in the university disciplinary setting requires ‘some opportunity for realtime cross-examination, even if only through a hearing panel.’); Doe v. Baum [University of Michigan], 903 F.3d 575, 581 (6th Cir. 2018); Doe v. Univ. of Cincinnati, 872 F.3d 393, 401 (6th Cir. 2017) (“The ability to cross-examine is most critical when the issue is the credibility of the accuser.”); Lee v. Univ. of New Mexico, 449 F. Supp. 3d 1071, 1128 (D.N.M. 2020) (“Lee did not receive a ‘meaningful opportunity to be heard’ because UNM did not allow for any cross-examination in determining credibility, and because UNM’s procedures unreasonably hindered Lee’s ability to present a meaningful defense.”); Doe v. Univ. of So. Miss., No. 2:18-cv-00153-KS-MTP, Docket 35 (S.D. Miss., Sept. 26, 2018) (“Writing a rebuttal after the testimony is complete is not the same as cross examination, which provides the opportunity to assess the person’s demeanor when asked certain questions and flesh out inconsistencies in a search for the truth.”); Doe v. Rhodes College, No. 2:19-cv-02336-JTF-tmp, Docket 33 (W.D. Tenn., June 14, 2019) (cross-examination right for accused students “invokes due process concerns under Title IX”); Doe v. Univ. of Miss., 361 F. Supp. 3d 597, 613 (S.D. Miss. 2019); Doe v. Univ. of Mich., No. 2:18- cv-11776-AJT-EAS, Docket 30, (E.D. Mich. July 6, 2018), rev’d on other grounds, 2019 WL 3501814 (6th Cir. Apr. 10, 2019); Doe v. Brandeis University., 177 F. Supp. 3d 561, 605 (D. Mass. 2016); Doe v. Univ. of S. Cal. (USC), 241 Cal. Rptr. 3d 146, 167 (Cal. Ct. App. 2018) (decision-maker must be able to see witness respond to questions); Doe v. Claremont McKenna Coll. (CMC) 25 Cal. App. 5th 1055, 1070 (Cal. Ct. App. 2018).

Categories
Campus Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX Trauma Informed

Healthcare Providers are Being Indoctrinated with ‘Trauma Informed’ Myths

Healthcare Providers are Being Indoctrinated with
‘Trauma Informed’ Myths

Colleen Farmer, BSN, RN

June 1, 2021

I have been a Registered Nurse for the past 32 years and I have worked in the emergency room for the last 25 years. I love my job and love taking care of my patients. I am concerned, however that my coworkers –nurses, doctors and physician assistants – who recently completed the “Trauma and Sexual Assault Survivor Support Training” course were immersed in biased theories that are not scientifically supported.1

What is a trauma-informed approach?

To be “trauma-informed” means you take a “victim-centered or a “Start by Believing” approach to the care you are providing.2 There are two parts to a trauma-informed approach.

The first step “recognizes the presence of trauma symptoms, acknowledges the role that trauma has played… and how trauma interferes with one’s ability to cope.”3 These trauma informed principles then allow healthcare providers to assess and modify care with an “understanding of how trauma affects the life of an individual…” so we can “avoid triggers and re-traumatization.”3

There is nothing new about healthcare providers recognizing the role of trauma in the care of our patients. We see trauma every day in an emergency room, and I would argue that our role on how to handle trauma has not changed. Our goals have always been to recognize where our patients are, be kind, caring, sensitive, supportive and empathetic while being a good active listener to all of our patients.

Nursing care has always looked to promote a safe environment, trustworthiness, and transparency while being respectful, using clear instructions, effective communication and always encouraging our patients to voice how they feel, empowering them with choices and being a part of their own care plan as we always have.

Trauma-informed theory is not scientifically proven

The second part of a trauma-informed approach is the ”science” of neurobiology. It is explained as a stressful or life-threatening event that causes a “flood of hormones… resulting in a complete shutdown of bodily function.” This state of mind is referred to as “paralysis, tonic immobility or freezing.” The “trauma physiologically impedes the victim’s ability to resist or coherently remember the assault resulting in an impaired memory or fragmented memory recall due to the disorganized encoding that occurred during the incident.”4,5 Various experts state, the “talk on fragmented memory and tonic immobility is unsupported by prevailing scientific research findings.”5

Many scientists, psychology professionals, and groups have published papers explaining how trauma-informed concepts are unsupported. The US Air Force Office of Special Investigations, for example, sounded the alarm calling for the end of “trauma-informed” training. Regarding the use of trauma-informed training methodology (FETI), the Air Force Office stated that it is “loosely constricted, is based on flawed science, makes unfounded claims about its effectiveness, and has never once been tested, studied, researched or validated.”6

“There is no scientific evidence to support the idea that a trauma-informed approach should be offered as a valid clinical method for working with victims of trauma.”6 Simply stated, the science of neurobiology is not empirically supported. 1,5,7,8

The flaws and failures of trauma-informed training

– In trauma-informed training, tonic immobility is not only applied in life threatening situations but also expanded to include low-level, non- contact incidents or stressful incidents.9,10

– Current trauma-informed training teaches that a patient who remembers every detail of an incident or a patient who remembers little to nothing of an incident both indicate a trauma has occurred.1,4

When we make the assumption that trauma is the only possible cause, this can lead to misdiagnoses, because providers are discouraged from looking at other possible causes of memory loss such as mental illness, drug/alcohol problems or other factors. In defining trauma the Journal of Adolescent Health states, “A trauma-informed approach does not necessarily seek disclosure…”11 however, as clinicians, we need to seek the truth in order to properly treat, diagnose and care for our patients.

– In cases of sexual assault, trauma-informed, victim-centered, or “Start By Believing” training teaches us to view the patients as a “victim” vs. an alleged victim. Not only is this presumptuous, it violates both our legal and sworn ethical codes to remain neutral and impartial in our collection of evidence in our role as a sexual assault nurse examiner (SANE) provider.12 Not only are nurses and doctors being trained in this debunked science, but also our law enforcement, court personnel, judges, attorneys, staff and students on college campuses and more. 13,14,15

– When trauma is used as a preconceived assumption to justify inconsistent behavior, our objectivity as a SANE nurse or provider becomes compromised, as relevant evidence might be excluded.9 Trauma-informed training often emphasizes that documentation should “corroborate the victim’s account.”5,16,17,18 Training that suggests SANE nurses or providers corroborate a patient’s account of events, leading us to discredit inconsistencies in a patient’s story places us in the role of judge and jury, which is not our job. This violates our legal and ethical duties requiring us to remain neutral. As clinicians, we should follow scientific and lawful procedures to collect all evidence, without bias, to ensure quality of care for those who allege they have been assaulted. Our charting and reporting of events in an accurate, fair and complete way, is essential to providing good quality care for our patients.

– Trauma-informed training, care, approach, or theory, has become so broadly used and poorly defined it has the unfortunate effect of turning almost anyone into a “victim” or “survivor.”7

New York State trauma-informed programs have included trainings led by Dr. James Hopper. Dr. Hopper has stated, “Focusing on the brain…I’m able to… truly change lives, institutions, and ultimately cultures.”19 “Effective trauma-informed…methods are essential to treating victims justly…and holding perpetrators accountable.19 Hopper’s real intent appears to go well beyond what any science would support.

– A Washington Post and Kaiser Family Foundation Survey found 44% of women think when they give a guy a “nod in agreement,” that isn’t enough for consent. 24% of women surveyed agreed that “sexual activity when both people are under the influence of alcohol or drugs…” “Is sexual assault,” and 35% of women felt “sexual assault accusations are often used by women as a way of getting back at men.”20 This survey shows us there are real life consequences in being trained to “Believe the Victim.” When a nod of the head, having a drink or an angry partner is all that separates someone from a rape or sexual assault charge, we need to be very diligent in factually documenting all potential evidence. In these types of cases, the potential for harm in “corroborating a victim’s account” is very high.

The high stakes of trauma-informed policies

Currently, college and university lawsuits are the best place to see the failures of trauma-informed training. The training has been well established for the last decade. It is on our campuses, where the seed of “believe the victim” began and has grown to become the cultural movement of  #MeToo. More and more due to the biases of trauma-informed training, courts are denouncing victim-centered philosophies. They are showing they support “clear standards for admissibility of scientific evidence in court.”21,22

Trauma-Informed training does not meet this standard and has been questioned in many court cases.9,21 “Misuse of trauma-informed policies was clearly evident in Doe v. University of Mississippi. The court found trauma-informed training materials caused those trained to make “an assumption … that an assault occurred.” Even the Association for Title IX Administrators, a prominent agency that leads the way on campus policy and training, had this to say about trauma-informed training, “You will need to assess whether you can afford to have a non-empirical, biased training on your resume in this age of litigation.”23

Where do we go from here?

The “Trauma and Sexual Assault Survivor Support Training” that New York healthcare providers have attended was based on the flawed concepts of neurobiology outlined above. We need to question why medical professionals are being “trained” in unsupported scientific theory! The title of the training itself should make us question the goal of what is being taught and why we as medical professionals received training and instruction from college advocates, who work from a “survivor-centric” viewpoint that lacks transparency, accountability and is fraught with conflicts of interest.15

We need to end the unscientific “trauma-informed” training of all professions. It is extremely important that we, as nurses and providers conducting evaluations in cases of rape, sexual assault or sexual violence adhere to methods that have been scientifically validated.6 We would not want to see rape cases thrown out of court due to the use of this flawed training. We are capable of recognizing “real” trauma without the unethical use of trauma-informed training.

Citations:

  1. Trauma Informed Junk Science: http://www.prosecutorintegrity.org/sa/ trauma-informed/
  2. Center for Prosecutor Integrity Start by Believing: http://www.prosecutorintegrity.org/sa/start-by-believing/
  3. What Does “Trauma Informed Care” really mean? J. Kellie Evans, LCSW, CSOTP May 1, 2013: https://www.csa.virginia.gov/content/doc/What_does_Trauma_Informed_Care_Really_Mean_2013.pdf
  1. Trauma Informed Junk Science: http://www.prosecutorintegrity.org/sa/ trauma-informed/
  2. Center for Prosecutor Integrity Start by Believing: http://www.prosecutorintegrity.org/sa/start-by-believing/
  3. What Does “Trauma Informed Care” really mean? J. Kellie Evans, LCSW, CSOTP May 1, 2013: https://www.csa.virginia.gov/content/doc/What_does_Trauma_Informed_Care_Really_Mean_2013.pdf
  4. Jim Hopper PhD: https://www.jimhopper.com/
  5. The Bad Science Behind Campus Response to Sexual Assault by Emily Yoffe September 8th, 2017: https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2017/09/the-bad-science-behind-campus-response-to-sexual-assault/539211/
  6. Report on the use of the Forensic Experiential Trauma Interview (FETI) Technique within the Department of the Air Force October 2015: http://www.prosecutorintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/AIR-FORCE-FETI-STUDY.pdf
  7. Trauma-Informed Approaches: The Good and the Bad by Michael S. Scheeringa, MD, Sept. 17, 2017: https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/stress-relief/201709/trauma-informed-approaches-the-good-and-the-bad
  8. Truthiness of the Trauma-Informed Science-Policy Gap by Michael S. Scheeringa, MD, Sept. 11, 2018: https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/stress-relief/201809/truthiness-the-trauma-informed-science-policy-gap
  9. FACE Families Advocating for Campus Equality, Trauma Informed Theories disguised as evidence: https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5941656f2e69cffcdb5210aa/t/5ccbd3c153450a492767c70d/1556861890771/Trauma-Informed+Theories+Disguised+as+Evidence+5-2.pdf
  10. Stress Is Not Trauma by Michael S. Scheeringa, MD, June 6, 2017

https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/stress-relief/201706/stress-is-not-trauma

  1. College Sexual Assault: A Call for Trauma-Informed Prevention Heather L. McCauley, Sc.D. Adam W. Casler, M.Ed. https://www.jahonline.org/article/S1054-139X%2815%2900119-6/fulltext
  2. Nursing Ethical Considerations Lisa M. Haddad; Robin A. Geiger. Last Update: September 1, 2020: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK526054/
  3. Trauma-Informed Courts: The How and Why By Carl Donovan Trauma Training for Criminal Justice Professionals: https://www.samhsa.gov/gains-center/trauma-training-criminal-justice-professionals
  4. ATIXIA Training Materials Paul Smith’s College Building Partnerships among Law Enforcement Agencies, Colleges and Universities: Developing a Memorandum of Understanding to Prevent and Respond Effectively to Sexual Assaults at Colleges and Universities https://www.paulsmiths.edu/title-ix/ training/
  5. Paul Smith’s College Coordinated Community Response

https://www.paulsmiths.edu/care/

  1. This Campaign Against Sexual Violence Strongly Favors Female Victims, Strips Men Of Due Process Wendy McElroy June 07, 2018: https://dailycaller.com/2018/06/07/start-by-believing-program/
  2. Has EVAW Been Moderating or Covering its Tracks? By James Baresel February 16,2021: http://ifeminists.net/e107_plugins/content/content.php?content.1497
  3. CPI ‘Believe the Victim:’ The Transformation of Justice: http://www.prosecutorintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/Believe-the-Victim-FINAL.pdf
  4. The Brain Under (Sexual) Attack Why people don’t fight, why memories are fragmentary – and some big implications. Jim Hopper, PhD – December 14, 2017

https://www.jimhopper.com/pdf/hopper2017_brain_under_(sexual)_attack_blog_intro.pdf

20. Washington Post-Kaiser Family Foundation Survey of College Students on Sexual Assault: http://apps.washingtonpost.com/g/page/national/washington-post-kaiser-family-foundation-survey-of-college-students-on-sexual-assault/1726/

  1. Center for Prosecutor Integrity Judges: Faithful and Impartial….?

http://www.prosecutorintegrity.org/sa/judges/

  1. Six-Year Experiment in Campus Jurisprudence Fails to Make the Grade SAVE 2017: https://www.saveservices.org/wp-content/uploads/Six-Year-Experiment-Fails-to-Make-the-Grade.pdf
  2. ATIXA Position Statement Trauma-Informed Training and the Neurobiology of Trauma August 16, 2019: https://cdn.atixa.org/website-media/atixa.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/20123741/2019-ATIXA-Trauma-Position-Statement-Final-Version.pdf
Categories
Campus Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

I’m Afraid to Send My Son to School: How Title IX is Hurting the Next Generation of Men

I’m Afraid to Send My Son to School: How Title IX is Hurting the Next Generation of Men

Lindsay R. McKasson, Esq.

May 27, 2021

If you had asked me five years ago what my law practice would look like today, I never would have guessed I would be representing wrongfully accused students. I did not even know Title IX was a legal practice area. I certainly would not have realized that it is an epidemic sweeping America, forever changing the lives of boys and young men.

I have long considered myself a liberal and a defender of women. It seems, however, that progressives has forgotten about due process, a critically important civil right. We live in an age where it only matters that one is accused, not whether they are guilty or “responsible” (the terminology schools use in convicting students of misconduct). As a result, hundreds if not thousands of boys and young men are being accused each year of actions that may violate a school’s Title IX policy, consequently changing their lives forever. They will always be considered “charged” even if found not responsible.

During the days, months, and sometimes more than a year of investigating the matter, accused boys and young men live in constant fear that the school will make the wrong decision and that they will be suspended or expelled, forever changing their life’s trajectory.

The best-case scenario after being charged at a school is that one is found “not responsible.” This is usually after weeks and months of the investigation pending. Lives are turned upside down trying to prove one’s innocence. Reputations are ruined. Countless money is spent on attorneys’ fees. It is an emotional roller coaster that causes many of my clients severe emotional harm. They end up with PTSD, or worse, suicidal. I tell them to have hope, that it will get better. But, I also know the stakes are high – their future opportunities are completely at risk.

I think many people hearing about this issue assume this is happening only to guilty men on college campuses. They hear “Title IX” and believe it is sexual assault or rape. Many of my cases, however, involve young men and boys, and the “charge” comes down to improper language.

I have one client who was essentially accused of using improper language. No touching was involved or alleged. He was expelled from his high school. His scholarship and admission to college revoked. Not only will he never trust a female again, but his life is also completely different than the one he worked so hard to build. This was a collegebound male who now has no secondary education.

My youngest client is a fifth grader. I have another client who was “investigated” in eighth grade for actions that allegedly occurred in seventh grade. He was found “not responsible” for the sexual activity of which he was accused. But, the accusing student, who has been caught in many, many lies during the course of the school’s and our own investigation, cannot let it go. Nor can her mother, which is often the case. They sued him. The case has gone on for years. Next summer, he will simultaneously be preparing for college and defending against false allegations that arose when he was in seventh grade.

Many of my cases do not involve sexual assault. If it does, many of the allegations are so far outside of the realm of reality, they appear false on their face. Brett Sokolow, President of the Association of Title IX Administrators (ATIXA), recently stated that around 50% of the Title IX claims made by complainants are “baseless.”[1] Yet, the schools seemingly do not care. If there is an allegation made, they must investigate and “charge” the accused. The schools are so afraid of lawsuits and getting “cancelled” by “woke culture,” they side with the female complaining student, no matter the ludicrousness of the allegations.

My experience is that many of these matters involve false allegations or allegations that do not amount to sexual assault or rape. Each false allegation not only hurts the males who are accused but also delegitimizes true sex crimes that occur on campus. For those true crimes, there is a system already in place – the American criminal justice system wherein due process is protected. Moreover, there are also options in civil court. As it stands right now, however, students are going to the universities where due process is not as protected. Moreover, it is in jeopardy should the Title IX Regulations that went into effect in August 2020 get repealed.

Title IX’s intentions of protecting women from campus rape are absolutely valid. The road to hell, however, is paved with good intentions. In the process of trying to protect women, men’s lives are being ruined. Worse than that, no one seems to care. The schools show a callous disregard for their male students. They could not be doing more damage to these young men and boys.

Now, I have a six-month-old son. I have already begun making mental notes of everything I will tell him when I send him off to school. And yes, I do mean elementary school. When I contemplate the wisdom I have gained, I become overwhelmed because I know the answer is nothing will protect him.

If someone decides to make up a lie, take something out of context, or retroactively change their mind about a consensual sexual activity, not much can be done to rectify the situation. The best-case scenario after his life is turned upside down is the school miraculously finds him not responsible. Consequently, he will never be the same. How am I supposed to have this conversation with my son? Is my best advice being to avoid school altogether and homeschool him? I hope not.

Is this really the future for our sons? Is this the America where we want to live? Again, I hope not.

I find some solace in the prohibition on “materially false statements” in the new Title IX Regulations. Specifically, 34 CFR Section 106.71 provides a safe harbor for schools to discipline those complainants (and respondents) that make “materially false statements” to schools investigating these matters. This provision should provide a strong deterrent to those students that would falsely and maliciously accuse students. Without such a regulation, I worry that there will be no incentive against making false allegations and every incentive towards making one.

All Americans should want a system that protects students from assault and from false allegations. If the Biden Administration reverses the recent Regulations, I worry that it will be easier for our sons to be falsely accused. This should concern all mothers. I hope it concerns all Americans.

Citation:

[1] https://www.thecentersquare.com/national/legal-experts-say-bidens-pushing-ahead-to-the-obama-past-on-campus-rape-could-be/article_184d1e3a-3fc0-11eb-956d-87947675f52c.html

Categories
Campus Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

Doe v. Purdue: Lodestar Decision On Due Process and Sex Discrimination

Doe v. Purdue: Lodestar Decision On Due Process and Sex Discrimination

Philip A. Byler, Esq. (winning appellate lawyer in Doe v. Purdue)

Nesenoff & Miltenberg LLP

May 21, 2021

When then Education Secretary DeVos announced on May 6, 2020, what would be the current Title IX regulations, she pointed to three cases that were particularly instructive, one of which was the Seventh Circuit’s decision in Doe v. Purdue.[1]  Secretary DeVos noted that it was a three-woman panel with then Circuit Judge Amy Coney Barrett as the author of the opinion.[2]  A short review of Doe v. Purdue provides an understanding that the current Title IX regulations, in mandating due process and fairness in Title IX sexual misconduct proceedings,[3] were based on well considered decisional law dealing with actual human experience.

Doe v. Purdue was a constitutional due process and Title IX discrimination suit brought on behalf of Plaintiff John Doe.  He was falsely accused of sexual assault by John Doe’s former girlfriend five months after the supposed occurrences of non-consensual sexual touching (never mind that John Doe and Jane Doe had a two-month long period of consensual sexual intercourse about which no complaint was made); and John Doe was suspended by the University and dismissed from Navy ROTC because of the university suspension.   John Doe’s dream and hope to serve his country as a Naval officer was destroyed after a University disciplinary process, rightly called “Kafkaesque” by John Doe, in which, among other things, there was no hearing, no cross-examination, no sworn testimony, no access given for John Doe even to see the investigator’s report much less comment on it, no provision of the evidence that supposedly supported the allegations of complainant and thus no fair and adequate ability to prepare a defense to those allegations, no presumption of innocence (there was a presumption the accusing female’s story was true, as she did not appear ever before the Dean and the Equity Committee), and no reasoned consideration of evidence as required by a burden of proof.[4]

The Seventh Circuit upheld the Complaint’s pleading of (i) the constitutional due process claim and (ii) the Title IX discrimination claim.[5]

  1. The Constitutional Due Process Claim.

Judge Barrett, after ruling that Purdue had deprived John Doe of a stigma-plus liberty interest, turned to “whether he [John Doe] has adequately claimed that Purdue used fundamentally unfair procedures in determining his guilt.”[6] She wrote in pertinent part what is well worth quoting:

John’s circumstances entitled him to relatively formal procedures: he was suspended by a university rather than a high school, for sexual violence rather than academic failure, and for an academic year rather than a few days. Yet Purdue’s process fell short of what even a high school must provide to a student facing a days-long suspension. ‘‘[D]ue process requires, in connection with a suspension of 10 days or less, that the student be given oral or written notice of the charges against him and, if he denies them, an explanation of the evidence the authorities have and an opportunity to present his side of the story.’’ Goss [v. Lopez], 419 U.S. [565,] at 581, 95 S.Ct. 729. John received notice of Jane’s allegations and denied them, but Purdue did not disclose its evidence to John. And withholding the evidence on which it relied in adjudicating his guilt was itself sufficient to render the process fundamentally unfair. See id. at 580, 95 S.Ct. 729 (‘‘[F]airness can rarely be obtained by secret, one sided determination of facts decisive of rights’ (quoting Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Comm. v. McGrath, 341 U.S. 123, 170, 71 S.Ct. 624, 95 L.Ed. 817 (1951) (Frankfurter, J., concurring))).

John has adequately alleged that the process was deficient in other respects as well. To satisfy the Due Process Clause, ‘‘a hearing must be a real one, not a sham or pretense.’’ Dietchweiler by Dietchweiler v. Lucas, 827 F.3d 622, 629 (7th Cir. 2016) (citation omitted). At John’s meeting with the Advisory Committee, two of the three panel members candidly admitted that they had not read the investigative report, which suggests that they decided that John was guilty based on the accusation rather than the evidence. See id. at 630 (stating that a hearing would be a sham if ‘‘members of the school board came to the hearing having predetermined [the plaintiff’s] guilt’’). And in a case that boiled down to a ‘‘he said/she said,’’ it is particularly concerning that Sermersheim and the committee concluded that Jane was the more credible witness—in fact, that she was credible at all—without ever speaking to her in person. Indeed, they did not even receive a statement written by Jane herself, much less a sworn statement.  It is unclear, to say the least, how Sermersheim and the committee could have evaluated Jane’s credibility.

Sermersheim and the Advisory Committee’s failure to make any attempt to examine Jane’s credibility is all the more troubling because John identified specific impeachment evidence. He said that Jane was depressed, had attempted suicide, and was angry at him for reporting the attempt. His roommate—with whom Sermersheim and the Advisory Committee refused to speak—maintained that he was present at the time of the alleged assault and that Jane’s rendition of events was false. And John insisted that Jane’s behavior after the alleged assault—including her texts, gifts, and continued romantic relationship with him—was inconsistent with her claim that he had committed sexual violence against her. Sermersheim and the Advisory Committee may have concluded in the end that John’s impeachment evidence did not undercut Jane’s credibility. But their failure to even question Jane or John’s roommate to probe whether this evidence was reason to disbelieve Jane was fundamentally unfair to John.[7]

At this point in Judge Barrett’s opinion, a footnote stated that it was not necessary to address the lack of cross-examination because of all the other procedural deficiencies.[8]  Cross-examination, however, has been recognized as the greatest legal engine ever invented for discovery of the truth[9] and has been ruled to be required for basic due process in campus disciplinary cases.[10]

Judge Barrett’s opinion was on a motion to dismiss; however, her crystallization of the due process issues has been followed by pre-trial discovery that has fortified John Doe’s due process case as focused by Judge Barrett.  The depositions of Navy personnel and Navy document production showed that the Navy had relied exclusively upon the university suspension for disenrollment of John Doe,[11] and the depositions of Purdue people with the university documents that formed the basis of the allegations of the Complaint fully supported that Complaint and showed other failures of fair process. Among other things: John Doe was never provided the investigation report throughout the disciplinary case; there was no hearing, just an untranscribed half-hour meeting of John Doe alone with Dean Sermersheim and the Equity Committee; Jane Doe never appeared in person before Dean Sermersheim and the Equity Committee; there was involvement throughout the process of the Purdue sexual assault center known by the acronym “CARE”;  the investigators never met with John Doe concerning what John Doe says was a highly selective, misinterpretation of the texts between him and Jane Doe by the investigators.[12]

The failures of due process are important to recognize because the practical reason why due process matters is so that cases are not decided “on the basis of an erroneous or distorted conception of the law or the facts.”[13]  The damage done to John Doe’s career aspirations and emotional well-being was devastating and ought never to be inflicted without due process.  Male respondents in Title IX university sexual misconduct proceedings have their side of the story and in life, have their hopes and dreams and their feelings.  Due process, as provided by the current Title IX regulations applicable to all universities and colleges (private or public), allows male respondents to have their side of the story heard and not to have their lives upended based on Kafkaesque proceedings that really have no place in America.

  1. The Title IX Discrimination Claim.

Judge Barrett addressed John Doe’s Title IX claim by first examining what should be the test for Title IX discrimination, noting the “erroneous outcome” and “selective enforcement” doctrinal tests stated in Yusuf v. Vassar College[14] and also the “deliberate indifference” and “archaic assumptions” doctrinal tests added by the Sixth Circuit in Doe v. Miami.[15]  Judge Barrett, however, put all these doctrinal tests to the side, stating:

We see no need to superimpose doctrinal tests on the statute. All of these categories simply describe ways in which a plaintiff might show that sex was a motivating factor in a university’s decision to discipline a student. We prefer to ask the question more directly: do the alleged facts, if true, raise a plausible inference that the university discriminated against John ‘‘on the basis of sex’’?[16]

With that question in mind, Judge Barrett proceeded to analyze the facts as alleged in the Complaint.

Judge Barrett noted that John Doe cast his claim in “the backdrop” of the 2011 Dear Colleague Letter, recognizing Second Circuit and Sixth Circuit decisions that treated the 2011 Dear Colleague Letter as relevant in evaluating the plausibility of a Title IX claim.[17]  Judge Barrett quoted the Second Circuit stating ‘‘A covered university that adopts, even temporarily, a policy of bias favoring one sex over the other in a disciplinary dispute, doing so in order to avoid liability or bad publicity, has practiced sex discrimination, notwithstanding that the motive for the discrimination did not come from ingrained or permanent bias against that particular sex.”[18] Judge Barrett recognized that the Sixth Circuit had ruled that the plaintiff’s allegation that “pressure from the government to combat vigorously sexual assault on college campuses and the severe potential punishment—loss of all federal funds—if it failed to comply, led Miami University to discriminate against men in its sexual-assault adjudication process,” combined with other facts, ‘‘support[ed] a reasonable inference of gender discrimination.”[19]  Judge Barrett also recognized that the Sixth Circuit had similarly ruled that the pressure of a Department of Education investigation and the resulting negative publicity ‘‘provides a backdrop, that, when combined with other circumstantial evidence of bias in Doe’s specific proceeding, gives rise to a plausible claim.”[20] Judge Barrett further again quoted the Second Circuit:  “There is nothing implausible or unreasonable about the Complaint’s suggested inference that the panel adopted a biased stance in favor of the accusing female and against the defending male varsity athlete in order to avoid further fanning the criticisms that Columbia turned a blind eye to such assaults.”[21]

After reviewing these pronouncements, Judge Barrett adopted the Sixth Circuit approach that the 2011 Dear Colleague Letter by itself did not plausibly establish Purdue had acted in part based on sex, but that the 2011 Dear Colleague Letter ‘‘provides a backdrop that, when combined with other circumstantial evidence of bias in [a] specific proceeding, gives rise to a plausible claim.”[22]

In John Doe’s case, such facts were found to have been alleged that gave rise to a plausible inference that Purdue discriminated against John Doe on the basis of sex.[23]  The “strongest” fact, according to Judge Barrett, was that “Sermersheim chose to credit Jane [Doe]’s account without hearing directly from her.”[24]  Judge Barrett explained:

The case against him [John Doe] boiled down to a ‘’he said/she said” — Purdue had to decide whether to believe John or Jane. Sermersheim’s explanation for her decision (offered only after her supervisor required her to give a reason) was a cursory statement that she found Jane credible and John not credible. Her basis for believing Jane is perplexing, given that she never talked to Jane.[25]

Judge Barrett cited other facts as well: the Equity Committee panelists made up their minds before meeting with John Doe and appeared unfamiliar with the facts of the case while showing hostility toward John Doe; it was plausible that Dean Sermersheim and her Equity Committee advisors chose to believe Jane Doe because she is a woman and disbelieve because John Doe is a man; Purdue’s sexual assault center CARE put up on its Facebook page during the same month that John was disciplined an article from The Washington Post titled “Alcohol isn’t the cause of campus sexual assault. Men are” — which could be understood to blame men as a class for the problem of campus sexual assault rather than the individuals who commit sexual assault; and CARE Director Monica Bloom’s role in assisting Jane Doe’s case.[26]

The clarity of Judge Barrett’s analysis has resulted in Doe v. Purdue becoming the lodestar for interpreting Title IX in discrimination suits against universities by male respondents in university and college sexual misconduct disciplinary proceedings.  Four Circuits have cited Doe v. Purdue and adopted its approach when reinstating the Title IX federal court suits brought by the male plaintiffs: the Third Circuit in Doe v. University of Sciences,[27] the Sixth Circuit in Doe v. Oberlin,[28] the Eighth Circuit in Doe v. Univ. of Arkansas – Fayetteville,[29] and the Ninth Circuit in Schwake v. Arizona Bd. of Regents.[30]

  1. Recommendations As To Regulations.

The present question is what, if anything, is to be done about the current Title IX regulations?  The foregoing discussion of Doe v. Purdue has been provided to propose that the current regulations aren’t broken, and therefore don’t need to be fixed. Indeed, the current Title IX regulations were so well formulated precisely because of the many lamentable experiences with university sexual misconduct proceedings, as exemplified in Doe v. Purdue.

The current Title IX regulations state that the university or college disciplinary process shall treat complainants and respondents equitably, objectively evaluate the evidence, not have conflicts of interest or bias, presume respondents are not responsible, have prompt time frames, identify the burden of proof that is to be applied uniformly and have support services for both complainants and respondents.[31] These requirements reflect a very different disciplinary process than the one experienced by John Doe in Doe v. Purdue.  Purdue did not treat John Doe equitably, did not objectively evaluate the evidence, did have bias and an arguable conflict of interest in Dean Sermershweim serving as both decision-maker and Title IX Coordinator, did presume John Doe was responsible, did not reasonably apply the burden of proof and did not have support services for John Doe.

The current Title IX regulations require formal written notice of allegations that contains “sufficient details known at the time and with sufficient time to prepare a response before any initial interview” – “[s]ufficient details include the identities of the parties involved in the incident, if known, the conduct allegedly constituting sexual harassment, and the date and location of the alleged incident, if known.”[32] That written notice “must include a statement that the respondent is presumed not responsible for the alleged conduct” and must be amended if additional allegations are made later in the proceeding.[33]  Purdue did provide notice but did not state that John Doe was presumed not responsible for the alleged conduct.

The current Title IX regulations require that the university or college conduct investigations that:

  • “Ensure that the burden of proof and the burden of gathering evidence sufficient to reach a determination regarding responsibility rest on the recipient and not on the parties”[34];
  • “Provide an equal opportunity for the parties to present witnesses, including fact and expert witnesses, and other inculpatory and exculpatory evidence”[35];
  • “Not restrict the ability of either party to discuss the allegations under investigation or to gather and present relevant evidence”[36];
  • “Provide the parties with the same opportunities to have others present during any grievance proceeding, including the opportunity to be accompanied to any related meeting or proceeding by the advisor of their choice, who may be, but is not required to be, an attorney”[37];
  • “Provide, to a party whose participation is invited or expected, written notice of the date, time, location, participants, and purpose of all hearings, investigative interviews, or other meetings, with sufficient time for the party to prepare to participate”[38];
  • “Provide both parties an equal opportunity to inspect and review any evidence obtained as part of the investigation that is directly related to the allegations raised in a formal complaint, including the evidence upon which the recipient [university or college] does not intend to rely in reaching a determination regarding responsibility and inculpatory or exculpatory evidence whether obtained from a party or other source” and “[p]rior to completion of the investigative report, the recipient [university or college] must send to each party and the party’s advisor, if any, the evidence subject to inspection and review in an electronic format or a hard copy, and the parties must have at least 10 days to submit a written response, which the investigator will consider prior to completion of the investigative report”[39]; and
  • “[c]reate an investigative report that fairly summarizes relevant evidence and, at least 10 days prior to a hearing . . . send to each party and the party’s advisor, if any, the investigative report in an electronic format or a hard copy, for their review and written response.”[40]

These regulations would not have allowed Purdue to conduct the investigation the way the school did and would not have allowed Purdue not to disclose ever the investigation report to John Doe. Rather would have required Purdue investigators to share what the school considered its evidence with John Doe before the completion of investigation report, to meet with John Doe about the interpretation of the texts between John Doe and Jane Doe and to disclose the investigation report to John Doe 10 days prior to the hearing.

The current Title IX regulations require a “live hearing” at which cross-examination is to be conducted by the party’s advisor of all witnesses in real time, including questions challenging credibility, and the university or college is to create an audio or transcript recoding of the hearing.[41]  There was no such hearing in Doe v. Purdue, just an untranscribed half-hour meeting of John Doe alone with the Dean and the Equity Committee.

The current Title IX regulations require “[t]he decision-maker(s), who cannot be the same person(s) as the Title IX Coordinator or the investigator(s), must issue a written determination regarding responsibility” and “[t]o reach this determination, the recipient [university or college] must apply the standard of evidence” and make a “written determination [that] must include”: identification of the allegations potentially constituting sexual harassment; a description of the procedural steps taken from the receipt of the formal complaint through the determination; “[f]indings of fact supporting the determination”; “[c]onclusions regarding the application of the recipient’s code of conduct to the facts”; “[a] statement of, and rationale for, the result as to each allegation, including a determination regarding responsibility, any disciplinary sanctions the recipient imposes on the respondent, and whether remedies designed to restore or preserve equal access to the recipient’s education program or activity will be provided by the recipient to the complainant”; and a statement of the school’s appeal procedures and grounds for appeal.[42]  In Doe v. Purdue, Dean Sermersheim could not be the decision-maker because she was the Title IX Coordinator, and Dean Sermersheim’s decision would have been totally inadequate, as it consisted of a conclusory very short paragraph without findings of fact, without conclusions and without rationale.

In short, the current Title IX regulations would not allow what happened in Doe v. Purdue that was so lacking in due process and that was devastating to John Doe’s career aspirations and emotional well-being.

Citations:

[1] 928 F.3d 652 (7th Cir. 2019); “Secretary DeVos Announces New Title IX Regulation,” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hTb3yfMNGuA; U.S. Department of Education Press Release, “Secretary DeVos Takes Historic Action to Strengthen Title IX Protections for All Students,” May 6, 2020; 34 C.F.R. 106. 45.

[2] “Secretary DeVos Announces New Title IX Regulation,” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hT b3yfMNGuA.

[3] U.S. Department of Education Press Release, “U.S. Department of Education Launches New Title IX Resources for Students, Institutions as Historic New Rule Takes Effect” (August 14, 2010); 34 C.F.R. 106.45.

[4] Complaint, Doe v. Purdue, No. 2:17-cv-33-JPK (N.D. Ind.), ECF 1, pp. 2, 13-14; 928 F.3d at 656-658.

[5] 928 F.3d at 659-670.

[6] 928 F.3d at 663.

[7] 928 F.3d at 663-664.

[8] 928 F.3d at 664 n. 4.

[9] Lilly v. Virginia, 527 U.S. 116, 124 (1999); see also Maryland v. Craig, 497 U.S. 836, 846 (1990).

[10] Doe v. Baum, 903 F.3d 575, 581 (6th Cir. 2018); Doe v. Univ. of Cincinnati, 872 F.3d 393, 401–402 (6th Cir. 2017); Flaim v. Med. Coll. of Ohio, 418 F.3d 629, 641 (6th Cir. 2005); Doe v. Brandeis Univ., 177 F.Supp.3d 561, 605 (D. Mass. 2016); Donohue v. Baker, 976 F.Supp. 136 (N.D.N.Y. 1997).

[11] Memorandum of Law, Doe v. Purdue, No. 2:17-cv-33-JPK (N.D. Ind.), ECF 106.

[12] Memorandum of Law, Doe v. Purdue, No. 2:17-cv-33-JPK (N.D. Ind.), ECF 116, pp. 7-8.

[13] Marshall v. Jerrico, Inc., 446 U.S. 238, 242 (1980).

[14] 35 F.3d 709, 715 (2d Cir. 1994).

[15] 882 F.3d 579, 589 (6th Cir. 2018).

[16] 928 F.3d at 667-668.

[17] 928 F.3d at 668-669, discussing Doe v. Columbia, 831 F.3d 46 (2d Cir. 2016), Doe v. Miami, 882 F.3d 579, 594 (6th Cir. 2018), and Doe v. Baum, 903 F.3d 575, 586 (6th Cir. 2018).

[18] 928 F.3d at 668, quoting Doe v. Columbia, 831 F.3d 46, 58 n.11 (2d Cir. 2016).  Philip A. Byler was the winning appellate lawyer also in Doe v. Columbia, 831 F.3d 46 (2d Cir. 2016).

[19] 928 F.3d at 668, quoting Doe v. Miami, 882 F.3d 579, 594 (6th Cir. 2018).

[20] 928 F.3d at 668-669, quoting Doe v. Baum, 903 F.3d 575, 586 (6th Cir. 2018).

[21] 928 F.3d at 668, quoting Doe v. Columbia, 831 F.3d 46, 58 (2d Cir. 2016).

[22] 928 F.3d at 668-669, quoting Doe v. Baum, 903 F.3d 575, 586 (6th Cir. 2018).

[23] 928 F.3d at 669-670.

[24] 928 F.3d at 669.

[25] 928 F.3d at 669.

[26] 928 F.3d at 669-670.

[27] 961 F.3d 203 (3d Cir. 2020).

[28] 963 F.3d 580 (6th Cir. 2020).

[29] 974 F.3d 858 (8th Cir. 2020).

[30] 967 F.3d 949 (9th Cir. 2020).

[31] 34 C.F.R. 106.45(b)(1).

[32] 34 C.F.R. 106.45(b)(2).

[33] 34 C.F.R. 106.45(b)(2).

[34] 34 C.F.R. 106.45(b)(5)(i).

[35] 34 C.F.R. 106.45(b)(5)(ii).

[36] 34 C.F.R. 106.45(b)(5)(iii).

[37] 34 C.F.R. 106.45(b)(5)(iv).

[38] 34 C.F.R. 106.45(b)(5)(v).

[39] 34 C.F.R. 106.45(b)(5)(vi).

[40] 34 C.F.R. 106.45(5)(vii).

[41] 34 C.F.R. 106.45(6).

[42] 34 C.F.R. 106.45(7).

Categories
Campus Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment

Half-Truths, Myths, and Falsehoods in the Campus Sexual Assault Debate

Half-Truths, Myths, and Falsehoods in the Campus Sexual Assault Debate

SAVE

May 15, 2021

History shows that every moral panic rests upon a series of claims that are misleading, partly true, or outright falsehoods. The campus rape hysteria that pervaded American society beginning in 2011 is no exception to this rule.

Following are four misrepresentations that campus activists have promoted on the problem of sexual assault:

  1. One-in-Five

The Campus Sexual Assault (CSA) Study found that one-in-five women experience “sexual assault” during their college careers.[1] But according to the Department of Justice’s National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), the rate of rape or sexual assault among female college-age students is 0.6/100 per year.[2] Assuming a four-year college duration, this translates into 2.4/100, which is nearly 10 times less than the one-in-five claim.

The disparity in these numbers can be explained by the different definitions used by the two surveys. In particular, the CSA study includes incidents of sexual contact that do not rise to the level of criminal behavior. Sexual assault is commonly understood to be a criminal offense. Describing the one-in-five number as “sexual assault” is misleading, at best.

Verdict: Misleading factoid.

  1. Unfounded Allegations

Psychologist David Lisak has claimed that “the prevalence of false allegations is between 2% and 10%.”[3] Campus activists repeat this statistic frequently.

But the actual number of unfounded sexual assault accusations is much higher. In the criminal setting, approximately one-third of such allegations are unfounded.[4] On campus, the number is even higher.[5] According to Brett Sokolow, head of the Association of Title IX Administrators, “Probably 40 or 50% of allegations of sexual assault are baseless. There are a lot of cases where someone says they were incapacitated, but the evidence doesn’t support that they weren’t able to make a decision.”[6]

Verdict: Falsehood.

  1. Serial Rapists

David Lisak has also promoted the claim that 90% of campus rapes are committed by serial offenders who average six rapes each. Lisak’s “six rapes each” claim has been cited in numerous reports, and served as justification for the draconian sexual assault policies established on many college campuses.

But the data upon which this claim are founded came from studies conducted by other researchers. After reporter Linda LeFauve interviewed Lisak, she revealed, “I asked about those studies, he first said he was unable to remember their topics, then that they ‘may have been about child abuse history or relationships with parents.’ I asked whether they were about campus sexual assault; he conceded they were not.”[7]

Verdict: Falsehood.

  1. Male Victimization

According to the National Sexual Violence Resource Center, 24.8% of men experience some form of contact sexual violence in their lifetimes.[8] This figure comes from the CDC’s National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, which is considered the most reliable national survey on this topic.[9] In the words of the CDC survey, most of these men were “made to penetrate” their female sexual partners. Thus, the number of men and women who are victimized by sexual violence each year is almost identical.[10]

But campus activists consistently portray the problem of sexual assault as a male-on-female problem. For example, the activist group It’s On Us highlights on its website four different statistics on female sexual victimization….and zero statistics on male victimization.[11]

Verdict: Half-truth, which recalls the old Yiddish proverb, “A half-truth is a whole lie.”[12]

Conclusion

A review of the four leading claims by campus activists identifies one misleading factoid, two falsehoods, and one half-truth.

Research shows that the campus policies promoted by the 2011 Dear Colleague Letter did not increase reporting by victims or reduce campus sexual assaults.[13] To succeed in the quest to curb campus sexual assault, the debate needs to shift so it is based on empirical fact, not ideological presuppositions.

Citations:

[1] Krebs CP, Lindquist CH, Warner TD, Fisher BS, and Martin SL (2007). The Campus Sexual Assault (CSA) Study.  www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/221153.pdf

[2] Sofi Sinozich and Lynn Langton (2014), Rape and Sexual Assault Victimization Among College-Age Females, 1995-2013. https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/rsavcaf9513.pdf

[3] David Lisak, Lori Gardiner, Sarah Nicksa, and Ashley Cote (2010). False Allegations of Sexual Assault: An Analysis of Ten Years of Reported Cases. Violence Against Women. 16 (12): 1318–1334. https://cdn.atixa.org/website-media/atixa.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/12193336/Lisak-False-Allegations-16-VAW-1318-2010.pdf

[4] SAVE (May 7, 2021), One-Third of Sexual Assault Allegations in Criminal Setting Are Unfounded. https://www.saveservices.org/2021/05/one-third-of-sexual-assault-allegations-are-unfounded/

[5] SAVE (May 11, 2021), 40-50% of Campus Sexual Assault Allegations Are Unfounded, Revealing Need for Strong Protections of the Innocent. https://www.saveservices.org/2021/05/pr-40-50-of-campus-sexual-assault-allegations-are-unfounded-revealing-need-for-strong-protections-of-the-innocent/

[6] Quoted in Richard Bernstein (December 16, 2020). Legal experts say Biden’s pushing ahead to the Obama past on campus rape could be a mistake. The Center Square. https://www.thecentersquare.com/national/legal-experts-say-bidens-pushing-ahead-to-the-obama-past-on-campus-rape-could-be/article_184d1e3a-3fc0-11eb-956d-87947675f52c.html

[7] Linda Lefauve (July 28, 2015), Campus Rape Expert Can’t Answer Basic Questions About His Sources. https://reason.com/2015/07/28/campus-rape-statistics-lisak-problem/

[8] National Sexual Violence Resource Center. Statistics. https://www.nsvrc.org/statistics Accessed May 13, 2021.

[9] Smith, SG, Zhang, X, Basile, KC, Merrick, MT, Wang, J, Kresnow, M, & Chen, J (2018). National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey: 2015 Data Brief – Updated Release. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/pdf/2015data-brief508.pdf

[10] Lara Stemple and Ilan Meyer (June, 2014), The Sexual Victimization of Men in America: New Data Challenge Old Assumptions. American Journal of Public Health. https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/10.2105/AJPH.2014.301946

[11]  It’s On Us. About Sexual Violence. https://www.itsonus.org/about-sexual-violence/ Accessed May 11, 2021.

[12] Forbes Quotes. https://www.forbes.com/quotes/10399/

[13] SAVE, Failed Experiment in Campus Jurisprudence, 2011-2019. https://www.saveservices.org/sexual-assault/ocr/