Categories
Campus Sexual Assault

SAVE Testimony in Opposition to Connecticut Bill SB 19

Good afternoon, my name is Susan Stewart and I am the Director, State Legislative Initiative for SAVE: Stop Abusive and Violent Environments. SAVE is a national organization working at both the federal and state level for fairness and due process on college campuses. I am testifying in opposition to SB 19.

Since the 2011 Dear Colleague Letter was issued by the federal Department of Education, SAVE has found there has been an explosion of both complaints by identified victims and lawsuits by accused students. For example, one University of Alabama student named Shannon said, “The assault was bad, but the way my school has treated me has created more trauma than the original assault did.” In the past nine years, over 550 lawsuits have been filed against universities for their alleged mishandling of these cases.

SAVE created a list of the Top 25 Worst Colleges in the Nation for Campus Due Process. Shockingly, two universities in Connecticut made our list: Quinnipiac University and Yale University.

In Doe v Quinnipiac, Doe claimed Quinnipiac opened a complaint against him “on behalf” of a student who herself did not file a complaint, destroyed evidence and subjected him to a 7-hour hearing where they banned exculpatory witnesses.

In Montague v Yale: Jack Montague claimed Yale violated its own procedures, committed fraud when administrators tried to convince the woman to file a formal complaint, and allowed the administrator who had tried to convince the woman, to chair the hearing board.

In fact, Connecticut may be the worst state in the nation for campus fairness. There are also these other compelling cases: the Nikki Yovino Sacred Heart University case, the case against Yale by Saif Kahn who is now suing Yale for $110 million and most recently two damning judicial decisions against UConn for violating students’ constitutional rights. District Judge Michael Shea wrote, “UConn’s procedures for investigating alleged misconduct and imposing discipline are so one-sided that the accused was denied an opportunity to present a meaningful defense.”

I oppose SB 19 for the following reasons: First, SB 19 includes an immunity clause for drinking and drug use which states “a student …who reports or discloses the alleged assault…shall not be subject to disciplinary actions for violation of a policy of the institution… if the report or disclosure was made in good faith..” This wording encourages false allegations. What happens when the institution determines that the report was not made in good faith?

Second, SB 19 establishes a Council on Sexual Misconduct Climate Survey, which includes 16 members and not one member represents students who have been accused of sexual misconduct. It calls for three representatives of victims of sexual assault, and not one representative of accused students. Why not?

Third, SB 19 requires the development of a sexual misconduct climate survey. Climate surveys are known to be expensive, difficult to administer, yield unreliable statistics and have fundamental problems. They do not lead to safer campuses. For example, in 2017 the results of one climate survey showed a shocking 41% of undergraduate women reported experiencing sexual assault since enrolling at the university. If that were true, what parents in their right minds would send their daughter to that school? Climate surveys are used to argue for policy change that potentially impedes on students’ due process rights.

For these reasons, I oppose SB 19. Connecticut lawmakers continue to propose or pass legislation that encourages false allegations or ultimately impedes students’ due process rights. Universities follow these laws resulting in mistreatment of both alleged victims and accused students with the ultimate outcome of more lawsuits against the universities!

SB 19 would trample on fairness, and perpetuate campus Kangaroo Courts. It is not the answer to a serious issue plaguing Connecticut’s higher educational system.

Thank you for your time and attention.

Categories
Campus Sexual Assault

Hartford Sex Hearing Marred by Actions of Lawmakers and Staffers

Contact: Rebecca Stewart

Telephone: 513-479-3335

Email: info@saveservices.org

Recalling Campus Kangaroo Courts,

Hartford Sex Hearing Marred by Actions of Lawmakers and Staffers 

WASHINGTON / February 18, 2020 – A February 13 hearing designed to elicit public comment on a bill regarding campus sexual assault was marred by unprofessional behavior exhibited by several lawmakers and staffers. Convened by the Higher Education and Employment Advancement Committee, the hearing aimed to obtain public input into the proposed Act Concerning Sexual Misconduct on College Campuses, SB 19 (1).

Several representatives of Connecticut colleges testified in opposition to the bill, saying it duplicated existing university policies and removed their flexibility to address unique circumstances (2).

The SAVE witness highlighted recent judicial decisions against Yale, Quinnipiac, Sacred Heart, and the University of Connecticut, suggesting that “Connecticut may be the worst state in the nation for campus fairness.” SAVE noted the opinion of federal Judge Michael Shea who wrote, “UConn’s procedures for investigating alleged misconduct and imposing discipline are so one-sided that the accused was denied an opportunity to present a meaningful defense.”

The SAVE representative acknowledged that sexual misconduct is a major problem on Connecticut campuses but concluded, “SB 19 would trample on fairness, and perpetuate campus Kangaroo Courts. It is not the answer to a serious issue plaguing Connecticut’s higher educational system.”

Although she was one of the first to sign up to testify, when she was finally allowed to deliver her testimony, only 30% of the Committee members were present. During the allotted 3-minute period, the timer prematurely sounded at roughly two minutes, distracting the presentation.

Upon completion of the testimony, one Committee member wondered out loud if the SAVE presenter represented a “misogynistic” group, a comment that was implausible on the surface since the SAVE witness was female.

In contrast, seeking a constructive bi-partisan solution to address campus sexual assault, a third Committee member posed thoughtful questions how Connecticut lawmakers can “get this right” as they propose legislation around this issue.

SAVE’s full testimony is available online (3). A video of the testimony is also available online, beginning at 2:31:10.

SAVE urges Connecticut legislators to assure future hearings are conducted in a professional and impartial manner, and to work so both identified victims and accused students are treated in a respectful and professional manner in campus proceedings.

Citations:

  1. https://www.cga.ct.gov/2020/TOB/s/pdf/2020SB-00019-R00-SB.PDF
  2. https://www.middletownpress.com/news/article/College-sexual-misconduct-bill-draws-opposition-15054967.php
  3. http://www.saveservices.org/2020/02/save-testimony-in-opposition-to-connecticut-bill-sb-19/
  4. http://ct-n.com/ctnplayer.asp?odID=17152

SAVE – Stop Abusive and Violent Environments – is leading the national policy movement for campus fairness, due process, and the presumption of innocence.

Categories
Sex Trafficking

Cindy ‘Sherlock’ McCain’s False Claim Is Symptom of Human Trafficking Hysteria

"Something didn’t click with me. I tell people trust your gut. I went over to the police and I told them what I thought and they went over and questioned her and by God she was trafficking that kid." — Cindy McCain

“Something didn’t click with me. I tell people trust your gut. I went over to the police and I told them what I thought and they went over and questioned her and by God she was trafficking that kid.” — Cindy McCain
Gage Skidmore/Flickr.com

Cindy ‘Sherlock’ McCain’s False Claim Is Symptom of Human Trafficking Hysteria

Beer heiress Cindy McCain’s bid to become the great white liberator of sex slaves blew up in her face following a recent episode of KTAR’s (92.3 FM) drive-time talk radio show, Mac & Gaydos, when she apparently told a whopper concerning what she insisted was a dastardly incident of child sex trafficking at Sky Harbor International Airport.

As Phoenix police later confirmed, it wasn’t trafficking.

It also wasn’t the first time Senator John McCain’s widow has peddled hysteria surrounding the issue of human trafficking, an umbrella term that covers either forced labor or forced commercial sex. (Prostitution doesn’t count – it’s consensual, albeit illegal, but more on that in a sec.)

During a segment rife with misinformation about the subject of human trafficking, McCain, who is co-chair of Governor Ducey’s Human Trafficking Council and board chair of the powerful McCain Institute for International Leadership at ASU, explained that about a week ago, she had flown into Phoenix from a trip she had taken when she spotted something awry.

“It was a woman of a different ethnicity than the child – this little toddler she had,” McCain told show hosts Mac Watson and Larry Gaydos. “Something didn’t click with me. I tell people trust your gut. I went over to the police and I told them what I thought and they went over and questioned her and by God she was trafficking that kid.”

Police said McCain described the adult female as of Asian descent, and that the child was mixed race, Asian and African-American.

She went on to repeat that the woman was “waiting for the guy who bought the child to get off the airplane.”

It served as an example, she said, of why folks should adhere to the admonition promulgated by the feds in the wake of 9/11: “If you see something, say something.”

Watson and Gaydos wolfed down McCain’s story like it was a box of Goobers, though the tale sounded hinky from the start. Why would someone planning to sell a child for sex schedule the swap in a crowded venue wired with more cameras than a Vegas casino, and crawling with federal and local cops?

And why would a woman “of a different ethnicity” than a child she was with be an indicator of criminal activity? McCain’s adopted daughter, Bridget, is from Bangladesh and obviously of another ethnicity than her mom. How many times have they been stopped by the law on suspicion of sex trafficking?

Fortunately, McCain’s bit of ethnic profiling didn’t hold up to scrutiny. After KTAR ran with a story on its website touting McCain’s trafficking claim, inquiring minds wanted to know more.

As a result, police released the following statement 48 hours later:

“On January 30, 2019 at approximately 1:26 p.m., Phoenix Police officers assigned to Sky Harbor International Airport conducted a Check Welfare on a child at the request of Mrs. Cindy McCain. During the Check Welfare, officers determined there was no evidence of criminal conduct or child endangerment.”

It was a stunning smackdown. McCain not only was certain that the child was being trafficked, she offered details about a man flying in to pick up his prey. Could she have been misinformed?

Not long after police released the statement, McCain tweeted a mea culpa, admitting that she had been mistaken and commending the police for their “diligence.” She also apologized if anything she had said distracted people from the “If you see something, say something” mantra.

McCain’s inability to mind her own business in this instance and her reliance on bigoted stereotypes would be bad enough, but like too many in the United States for whom human trafficking is a cause celebre, McCain is guilty of peddling myths and hysteria over the issue, helping perpetuate what sociologists refer to as a “moral panic,” based on irrational fears, misinformation and sometimes outright prevarications.

Take the erroneous assertion that the Super Bowl is a mega-magnet for sex trafficking — a persistent, perennial falsehood that is trotted out every year as the big game draws near as an excuse for law-enforcement rousts of sex workers and their clients. That’s because “sex trafficking,” which according to federal statute involves either minors, or adults involved in the sex trade through force, fraud, or coercion, is routinely conflated with prostitution by activists, police, and the media.

However, the idea that hordes of prostitutes and pimps descend pregame on Super Bowl host cities has been debunked more times than the Phoenix Lights UFO, by such publications as PolitifactSnopes.com, and Sports Illustrated. Numerous, rigorous studies have disproven this conspiracy theory. The one most cited is a massive 2011 report by the Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women, a worldwide anti-trafficking alliance of more than 80 non-governmental organizations, which concluded that, “there is no empirical evidence that trafficking for prostitution increases around large sporting events.”

In 2014, McCain called the Super Bowl “the largest human trafficking event on the planet.” A year later, a report commissioned by the McCain Institute from ASU’s School of Social Work found “no empirical evidence” that the Super Bowl caused an increase in human trafficking as opposed any other day or event.

Regardless, McCain and many others cling to this fable, though McCain definitely knows better. While on KTAR, one of the hosts asked her if the Super Bowl was the largest sex trafficking venue on the planet.

“I believe so,” she replied, adding, “Some could argue that the World Cup is in the same league as that.”

Indeed, according to McCain, sex trafficking is happening all over, including in malls and “in your own neighborhood,” she told Mac & Gaydos.

“I mean, [it’s in] every public venue, and private as well. You see it pretty much everywhere. You just have to know what to look for. And that was what I had to learn in the beginning, was what to look for.”

Neither the FBI’s yearly crime reports nor reports from the Bureau of Justice Statistics back up these assertions.

Yet, federal and state authorities are busy making sure that the public’s trained to spot human trafficking. Flight attendants, hotel workers, college students, you name it, are all being coached by group’s like the one McCain heads, Arizona’s Human Trafficking Council, which boasts that since 2014, it had “provided trainings and awareness presentations to over 31,000 professionals and community members statewide.”

This is problematic for many reasons, not the least of which is that there is often a racial element applied to identifying human trafficking, as McCain seems to have aptly demonstrated.

recent Washington Post piece about McCain’s stab at playing Sherlock noted that it was consistent with other incidents, “in which parents of children whose skin color or ethnicity differs from theirs fell under suspicion from other travelers or authorities at airports.”

The piece cited cases in Arizona and Denver where parents were challenged because their kids were of different ethnicities or races. There have been many others, such as the 2017 case of an Asian-American woman detained for more than an hour in an airport by U.S. Customs and Border Patrol because a fellow passenger on her flight suspected that she and another woman were being trafficked.

Maybe this gaffe by McCain will give media types some pause before treating McCain and her cohorts with such deference on the issue.

Categories
Title IX

Judge scolds UConn for banning witness testimony that could undermine rape accuser

State’s lawyer repeatedly gets facts in the record wrong

 

Last week we reported on a federal judge’s approval of a temporary restraining order against the University of Connecticut for running an alleged sham trial against a student accused of rape.

U.S. District Judge Michael Shea said the taxpayer-funded university deprived the student the opportunity to mount a “meaningful defense.”

The order was released just hours after a telephone status conference with the parties, including lawyers for “John Doe,” UConn and the state – and a newly released transcript shows Shea’s exasperation with the latter two.

Even though John was seeking to change the status quo by returning to his graduating class, and thus would have to make “a clear showing or a substantial likelihood of success,” the judge indicated UConn had basically made his argument for him.

‘Strictly speaking, that added condition was not in the policy’

“I’ll put my cards on the table,” Shea told Mary Kathryn Lenehan of the Attorney General’s Office:

I am troubled by aspects of this procedure, and in particular I think the thing that troubles me the most is the fact that the hearing body refused to hear from four of the plaintiff’s witnesses.

Indeed, UConn had blocked the testimony of other students in the car where “Jane Roe” first allegedly started “grinding” on John’s lap without asking for his consent. That matters because Jane denied “initiating any sexual contact” on John, raising a credibility problem for her other claim that John raped her later that night.

Shea noted that John’s reduced punishment – from expulsion to two-year suspension, assuming UConn agrees to readmit him – does not much change “the potential damage to his career prospects,” raising the due process requirements for his case:

[I]n light of the fact that the critical factual issue is ultimately who to believe … it would appear to me that the four witnesses, I guess I would say especially the two who were accompanying them in the car, really should have been heard from, frankly. …

[T]he suggestion is that at the hearing the victim, the alleged victim, did not bring any witnesses, and yet her roommate and the friend that she was with that evening were interviewed and the investigator relied on their statements so that the plaintiff never had an opportunity to confront those statements in any way. …

[G]iven all the circumstances that I’ve described, why not hear from the four witnesses at the hearing, which was the bulk of the plaintiff’s defense?

When the state’s lawyer Lenehan tried to argue that John’s witnesses had to give in-person witness testimony, Shea cut her off and read from UConn’s own rules, which put no conditions on how witnesses provide their statements.

“Strictly speaking, that added condition was not in the policy. Isn’t that true?” the judge asked. Lenehan had to admit it wasn’t.

Lenehan also came up short when Shea asked her to find evidence in the record for her claim that the investigator gave the student witnesses “the opportunity to submit a written statement or be interviewed or both.”

‘Oh, come on. I thought you were going to be serious about this’

It got worse from there. The state’s lawyer tried to argue the witnesses from the car “grinding” incident were irrelevant to the bedroom incident, and Lenehan appeared to be unaware that Jane had denied grinding on John at all.

Shea countered that claim, and John’s lawyer Michael Thad Allen pointed to the record where Jane made her denial, contradicting the witnesses in the car.

“I mean it would have been appropriate for the investigator to ask her about that” denial, the judge told Lenehan. “Do you not agree?  She again responded that witness statements from the car were irrelevant, because Jane had admitted that she allowed John to touch her in the car.

“[Y]ou’re not answering my question,” Shea interrupted. At that point the state’s lawyer questioned whether “sitting on someone’s lap gyrating” was really “initiating sexual activity.” Allen chimed in that the investigator never bothered to ask Jane “if she initiated sexual contact.”

MOREShea halts UConn punishment for second time in a week

The judge put a halt to Lenehan’s evasion when she argued that two of the three car witnesses couldn’t actually see Jane grinding because they were in the front seat:

MS. LENEHAN: [One front seat witness] felt the chair moving.

THE COURT: It was more than that. He felt the knees in the back of the chair, and the roommate in the back said he didn’t even want to look because of what was happening.

MS. LENEHAN: Right, but then how did they have relevant testimony?

THE COURT: Oh, come on. I thought you were going to be serious about this.

Lenehan continued flailing, trying to argue that anything other than directly looking at Jane grinding on John’s lap rendered a witness irrelevant. Shea noted that Jane also denied inviting John “to come back into the car and to go to the dorm. These witnesses would testify to the contrary.”

The judge scolded Lenehan, representing the state of Connecticut, for not having “read the statements a little more carefully, frankly, if you’re going to kind of debate it with me … because you’ve got the facts wrong.”

She eventually agreed to stop debating Shea, and he responded: “Yeah, please don’t.”

Judge scolds UConn for bann… by The College Fix on Scribd

 ‘It wouldn’t have been true cross-examination anyway’

The judge next pressed Lenehan to explain how due process is served when the hearing officers relied on an investigator’s report with testimony from Jane’s witnesses, yet they didn’t show up for the hearing. (They did not observe any interactions with Jane and John, either.)

“And so the plaintiff in this case was never afforded an opportunity to confront what they had to say,” Shea said, noting that “it wouldn’t have been true cross-examination anyway.”

Lenehan could not answer except to say that procedure “has been defined in student discipline cases at university campuses” as comporting with due process. She again could not cite case law, and she conflated cross-examination with third-party questioning.

Shea called her out for the conflation even while noting that his federal appeals court, the 2nd Circuit, has not given universities the green light to deprive cross-examination to accused students facing serious sanctions.

Noting that John’s lawyer pointed to cross-examination as required by the 6th Circuit, the judge said “[m]aybe it is” in Shea’s court as well. “But assuming that the substitute procedure” of indirect questioning would satisfy due process, that did not even happen here, he said:

[G]iven the severity of the sanction here, how is it in compliance with due process that he’s not allowed to question or have somebody question at least statements that were being relied on … by the hearing officers by witnesses who weren’t even present?

Shea emphasized that neither Lenehan nor Nicole Fournier Gelston, UConn’s general counsel, was at the disciplinary hearing, by their own admission. Only John’s lawyer Allen was there.

He told the judge that the hearing panel refused John’s request to ask Jane why her friend would testify that Jane “came down the hall to ask permission” to have sex with John that night.

The panel also drew “no inference … from the fact that none of [Jane’s] friends came to support her” at the hearing, suggesting more credibility problems, Allen said: “Only my client’s witnesses were excluded when they had credible evidence regarding her own credibility.”

Also “disallowed,” the lawyer said: questions about “some sort of statement” that Jane submitted in April and mentioned in the hearing, which has still not been given to John. Allen confirmed to Shea that this April statement might constitute “impeachment material,” conflicting with statements Jane made in September.

‘This is a difficult case. I wasn’t thrilled to get it’

Shea referred to another UConn case he was handling at the same time, also involving due process but not sexual misconduct.

“I’ll be candid with you. This is a difficult case. I wasn’t thrilled to get it, but here I am,” he said. “I seem to be — I have [addressed] two UConn [temporary restraining orders] in the space of six days, so lucky me.”

Both the allegations and the sanction against John are “very serious,” and the judge also has “serious concerns” about whether John received due process at the hearing. He’ll grant the TRO to John, but “it’s a close call.”

Shea warned Allen that the best his client might get from the court is another hearing on John’s Title IX claim, “which we really haven’t talked about,” and which might go against him as well. That would mean “he will have done whatever work in this semester for naught.”

The judge suggested and the parties agreed to meet again at a preliminary injunction hearing Feb. 11-12.

The transcript shows the university’s “disdain for due process rights,” Samantha Harris, vice president of procedural advocacy for the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education, wrote in a blog post highlighting several relevant portions of the transcript.

Allen told Harris he wasn’t surprised by the university’s arguments at the conference, “because this was how they conducted the entire investigation and hearing”:

The person who did seem surprised was the judge, when UConn effectively admitted that their approach was simply to believe the accusing student no matter what the other witnesses had to say.

Read the transcript and Harris’s blog post.

h/t Robby Soave

MOREShea stops UConn for punishing students for protected speech

Categories
Title IX

Prosecute, Smear, Acquit

When it started “happening,” meaning that it wasn’t just some crazy conspiracy theory but had metastasized into reality, I wrote about it. For the sake of time frame, this was before Alyssa Milano grabbed onto Tarana Burke’s 2006 coinage of Me Too. This wasn’t an accident, but a decision to elevate unproven accusation into indisputable “truth.” It was a decision that the cost of the “few” false accusations and ruination of innocents was unfortunate, but necessary, collateral damage.

You might also note how critical it is to this scheme that the rape epidemic and false accusations lie be perpetrated. With both of these key beliefs in place, the downside of this extrajudicial and subconstitutional system was small enough that people would overlook its harm, ignore the fact that these cries were entirely unproven and would never be proven. There are no rules of evidence on social media, just as there’s no appeal.

And regardless of where you stand on the underlying issue, it has been a huge success. It has accomplished its goal of circumventing the principles upon which our law was grounded and eviscerating them. But where does it go from here? There remains a problem with the scheme, that as much as they can get men fired or expelled, books burned, movies trashed and art removed from the walls of museums, they still can’t put men in jail without going through the “regular” legal system.

A prosecutor in Maine has the answer.

Victims often hesitate to seek justice because many fear they won’t be believed. Others don’t want to relive the trauma they experienced through lengthy legal proceedings. Sexual assault cases are difficult to prosecute since these crimes often occur in private settings. Aside from personal testimony, investigators often lack solid evidence to build a criminal case.

But District Attorney Natasha Irving says it’s time to reform how the legal system prosecutes sexual assault cases, so victims who come forward know they’ll be supported. Irving says prosecutors shouldn’t decline to prosecute a case just because they “think it’s too hard to prove.”

Reforms prosecutors are all the rage, as activists have smartly realized that District Attorney elections were a weak link in the chain of the system. With very few votes, they could seize these offices, put reformers in place and reinvent the system from the backend to achieve what they have failed to accomplish from the legislative side. Few people cared about District Attorney races outside their friends and family, and they were handed vast power by legislators who thought they would always be handpicked by party leaders and instructed to do the party’s bidding. Give the activists credit for spotting the opportunity and seizing it.

But Natasha Irving’s idea of how of “reform” isn’t to adhere more closely to the Constitution, to assure every accused of due process, or to recognize that the job of a prosecutor isn’t to convict, but to “do justice.” Rather, her “reform” is to arrest and prosecute people against whom there is insufficient evidence to convict.

But that shouldn’t be a primary concern, said Irving who failed to get a conviction in that case after the judge ruled the state had not met the burden of proof beyond a reasonable doubt.

“It didn’t feel good for any of us to lose that case. But I do think personally, I would rather show a victim that we will fight for them, than [rejecting a case] because it’s too hard to prove beyond a reasonable doubt,” Irving said. “We don’t want law enforcement or prosecutors to ever think that something is a ‘he said she said.’”

This isn’t to say that prosecutors should reject any case that isn’t a slam dunk, but to prosecute men based on the litany of rationalizations, as proffered by the “experts” who teach the jury what they’re to believe to be fact, when the evidence at best fails to establish proof beyond a reasonable doubt is a deliberate abuse of power. Ironically, it’s the same abuse complained of by reform prosecutors in any other prosecution not involving an accusation of sexual assault. Go figure.

Irving says it’s time for a “come-to-Jesus-moment” about the realities of sexual assault.

Where #MeToo has enjoyed massive, if mindless, acceptance among the woke, it is now working its way back into the legal system it was created to avoid, only this time based upon the invented belief in its foundational ideologies to overcome its evidentiary failings.

Will it work? First, it doesn’t have to in order to accomplish its goal. As the saying goes, you can beat the rap, but you can’t beat the ride. Men will be arrested and prosecuted, their faces and the accusations against them will appear in the media. They will lose their jobs, their homes, their families and be criminals. Even acquitted, the belief of guilt isn’t dissipated. After all, juries don’t return verdicts of “innocent,” but not guilty. And as the presumption of innocence is reduced to a “legal technicality” rather than a tenet of law, there is no way to overcome the taint.

But second, it may well work. For the reasons detained people plead guilty now, they will plead guilty to sex offenses rather than roll the dice at trial or spend a few years awaiting their chance for vindication.

And third, if the rationalizations, the expert witnesses, the narrative, accomplish what their pushers hope, perhaps juries will convict despite the gross inadequacy of proof. Is it “unfair” that some accusations of sexual assault and rape are hard to prove? Perhaps, but that’s always been the nature of our criminal justice system, that it’s better that ten guilty people go free than one innocent be convicted. There was no exception for sex offenses. Until now.

Categories
Violence Against Women Act

REAUTHORIZATION OF VAWA-2020

robert cubbyAt this point in time the House of Representatives have forwarded their amended version of the Violence Against Women Act to the Senate. It is stalled because provisions governing the seizure of firearms among other concerns. I thought it would warrant a review of the House version would bring to light any changes favorable to males in any way in an act focused on women.

With the advent of same sex marriages, civil unions, the abandonment of terms, words and references to marriage has changed to intimate partnerships and civil unions. I was curious as to how this would impact the pronouns used describing the perpetrators in an act of domestic violence. After all, the “he” isn’t necessarily the perpetrators in the union of two women. And of course, in an act entitled Violence Against Women Ace, the woman will never be depicted as the perpetrator. So in House version HR 1585 we find the following citations. Section 204 struck “women” for “people”, page 42 actually mentioned that domestic violence training for complex cases includes male victims, section 402 “women” changed to “adults, youth”, section 701 refers to women victims but no mention of male victims, page 101 does mention male victims, page 102 cites female but not male victims of workplace homicide, page 103 female not male victims of economic hardship due to domestic violence, and section 1001 still holds to the Office on Violence Against Women but no Office on Violence Against Men.

After review we see some change in language of the Act reflective of the change of marital status and change in gender pronouns, but not change in funding or emphasis on male victims in domestic violence. How does this play out in real time? When the police are called to a domestic violence situation, how do they handle the victim being a male?

In previous articles I have written for Mens E-News (Review of Domestic Violence Training in NJ 4/18; It Not Always the Male at Fault, 7/14; The Nightmare of the Male Police Officer Involved as Victim of Domestic Violence, 3/14) I have cited the problems men haver faced as victims of domestic violence. Seeing that these were written 6 years ago and now we are facing a reauthorization of VAWA, not much has changed, except some language, in the amended House version. Has the situation in society changed for men? What are they now facing as victims under VAWA?

Statistics show in the US, an average of 20 people face intimate partner physical violence every minute. This equates to more than 10 million abuse victims annually. 1 in 4 women and 1 in 9 men experience severe intimate partner physical violence and/or intimate partner contact sexual violence, and/or intimate partner stalking with impacts such as injury, fearfulness, post traumatic stress, use of victim services, contraction of sexually transmitted diseases. 1 in 3 women and 1 in 4 men have experienced some form of physical violence by an intimate partner not always reported as domestic violence. 3 in 7 women and 1 in 25 men have been injured by an intimate partner. 1 in 10 women have been raped by an intimate partner.Data is unavailable on male victims. 1 in 7 women and 1 in 18 men have been stalked. Clearly women take the brunt of domestic violence and the need to protect them is acknowledged. But what of the men cited? They are victims too. Do we dare play the numbers game that they are not statistically significant?

So the real life scenarios of men victims then is a nightmare not addressed by VAWA in any version. In a recent article (National Parents Organization Researcher: What Happens When Abused Men Call Domestic Violence Hotlines and Shelters?) of the abused men who called domestic violence hotlines 64% were told that they only help women, 32% the abused men were referred to batterers’ programs and 25% were given a phone number that turned out to be a batterers’ program. A little over a quarter of them were given a reference to a local program that helped. Overall, only 8% were given any hotlines that were helpful and 69% that were not helpful at all. Finally 16% of the hot lines dismissed or made fun of them. Imagine the outcry if these were females treated this way. Yet VAWA stands mute.

(LA Times 8/17 Its hard for a guy to say ‘I  need help.” How shelters reach out to male victims of domestic violence) Last year the National Domestic
Violence Hotline received 12,046 calls and messages from men who said they were victims in abusive relationships- a fraction of the 119,470
interactions with women but a 73% increase from 2014.

12,046 victims who have no voice in the present VAWA as written . No funding for mens shelters for victims of domestic violence. At this time there are only two such shelters in the US. Men are otherwise housed in hotels, cut off from support and counselling that VAWA gives female victims but not males. In the two existing shelters the men are given necessary support and counseling but needless to say, the response to male victims is inexcusable under VAWA. We have the opportunity as it seeks yet another renewal, to breath new life into it and make it equal protection under the law as it was meant to be. We need to acknowledge men as victim and instead of VAWA why not VAPA Violence Against People Act.

Categories
Title IX

Survey Confirms Unfairness of Campus Title IX on Due Process

Education Secretary Betsy DeVos recently indicated that the process for creating fairer Title IX regulations has reached its final stages. As the new rules loom, the higher-ed establishment has demonstrated an almost uniform opposition to creating fairer Title IX procedures. The most recent example came from NASPA, the organization of student affairs officials.

Few organizations more enthusiastically supported the accuser-tilted status quo in Title IX adjudications. It, therefore, might seem surprising to read a report summarizing a new survey of student affairs professionals refuting “the common narrative that institutions are not concerned with responding parties’ rights in sexual misconduct cases.” Report authors Jennifer Henkle, Jill Dunlap, and Joan Tabachnick boast that their “study’s results portray a very different picture” than “narratives” that “paint institutions as being overly-concerned about the rights of survivors at the expense of the rights of respondents.”

In fact, the survey’s own data suggests the opposite conclusion—that, even before the formal adjudication process occurs, the Title IX process is deeply biased against the accused.

For instance, the survey showed that only 5% of schools have even one full-time employee to assist accused students; 85% have no budget dedicated specifically to providing services for accused students. Most schools conceded that their personnel (whether paid or volunteer) who did assist accused students spent only 1-3 hours per week on their efforts. Nine years after the Obama administration issued the Dear Colleague letter, the survey found that “most institutions are only just developing these programs,” and one college in eight either had no services for accused students or hadn’t yet implemented plans to do so. As Henkle, Dunlap, and Tabachnick conceded, “no established best practices currently exist, and most institutions are only just developing these programs, identifying what specific services are needed, and exploring what is equitable or equal.”

[2019 in Review in Accused Student Litigation]

Given the realities of a Title IX adjudication, it might be expected that schools would train their one or two people who provide services to accused students through to civil liberties organizations such as FIRE, defense attorneys, or groups such as FACE. Colleges and universities have taken a quite different approach: “94% of participants indicated that their institution offers in-house training.” Beyond that point, the report got deliberately vague. The authors, for reasons that the report didn’t explain, didn’t ask about the expertise of people offering training—or, critically, about the content of the training. The report suggested that “some” schools use “training from a national organization, or instruction from local organizations”—but did not identify these organizations.

“Survey participants,” the report reveals, “said that students primarily learn about respondent services through passive communications such as the institution’s sexual misconduct policies” or “the campus website.” Only 13% of colleges and universities have a staff member reach out “directly to responding parties about support services available.” In other words: accused students are on their own. Fear of the campus mob helps explain this strategy, according to the report’s authors: “Institutions may be concerned about announcing these services out of concern for overutilization of already overwhelmed campus resources or due to perceived pushback from members of the campus community who disagree with providing respondent services.”

Some of what NASPA members see as “services,” moreover, presume the guilt of the accused student. “What is missing from many strategies to address sexual harm on campus,” the report claims, “is a focus on those who have perpetrated sexual misconduct and those at risk to do so.” (Imagine a NASPA report listing as a potential pro-accuser “service” a focus on “those who make false claims of sexual misconduct and those at risk to do so.”) Incredibly, Henkle, Dunlap, and Tabachnick maintain that students “who are under investigation”—students who, even under the preponderance standard, must be presumed innocent—may “need specialized services,” such as assistance “to develop a deeper understanding of their behaviors and the trauma caused to others.” But if the student—who hasn’t yet been adjudicated guilty—did nothing wrong, why would he need “to develop a deeper understanding of their behaviors and the trauma caused to others”? The authors don’t say.

[Fake Claims of Rape Due to Trauma Are Under Scrutiny]

The issue of confidentiality is the most troubling aspect of the report. Nearly 6 in 10 schools do not provide fully confidential services to accused students. Twenty-three percent use material gleaned from any accused student for Clery Act reporting, while 36% provided no confidentiality at all. The criminal justice equivalent of such a system would be a defendant who spoke to a public defender—who then shared the information with the prosecutor. No wonder accused students distrust the campus Title IX bureaucracy.

Despite all of these problems, fully 91 percent of the survey respondents claimed that their schools provided equal or equitable treatment of accused students in the Title IX context. There’s no reason to doubt the sincerity of their responses. That a school without even one paid employee to look after accused students, where the “services” too often presume guilt, and where some schools won’t even promise confidentiality to accused students could be deemed “equitable” to the accused confirms the need for robust regulations to protest students’ rights.

KC Johnson

KC Johnson

KC Johnson is a history professor at Brooklyn College and the City University of New York Graduate Center. He is the author, along with Stuart Taylor, of The Campus Rape Frenzy: The Attack on Due Process at America’s Universities.

Categories
Sexual Harassment

Legislators discard element of sexual harassment definition, broadening liability

World’s largest gavel, outside courthouse in Columbus, Ohio

The revised version also changes the definition of sexual harassment, and makes employers liable for “workplace harassment” based on additional factors other than sex. Its sexual harassment definition omits a critical element of the definition of sexual harassment according to the U.S. Supreme Court and federal appeals courts, “unwelcomeness.”  The amended version of HB 1418 adopted on January 30 has a long list of “rules” that “shall apply” in defining sexual harassment (probably found in no other state or federal law), yet it omits the core element of “unwelcomeness” that the Supreme Court says defines sexual harassment.

Unwelcome means unsolicited and uninvited. If a worker invites or solicits something from a co-worker, they can’t later sue over that something, even if it offended them. For example, if you ask your co-worker about his sex life or his porn collection, or to discuss a sexual problem, and his response offends you, you can’t sue your employer over it, because you solicited or invited the response. That’s true even if the offensive content did contribute, to some extent, to a hostile work environment. Sexual conduct must be both unwelcome and create a hostile work environment (among other things) before the employer can be sued over it under longstanding sexual harassment precedent.

You shouldn’t be able to sue your employer for something that you invited, and it wasn’t responsible for causing.

Trending: Two examples of the ‘democracy’ the Left is so eager to defend from Trump

The Supreme Court said that the very essence of a sexual harassment claim — in lawyer lingo, its “gravamen” — is that the conduct was “unwelcome.” As it put it, “The gravamen of any sexual harassment claim is that the alleged sexual advances were ‘unwelcome.’” It said that in its decision in Meritor Savings Bank v. Vinson, 477 U.S. 57, 68 (1986).

There are federal appeals court rulings that say the Supreme Court meant what it said, and if you incite your co-workers to do something, you can’t sue your employer over it even if it offends you. For example, a woman who used vulgar language with her male co-workers was not allowed to sue when they used vulgar language back, because the court found she effectively invited it, in the appeals court ruling in Scusa v. Nestle USA181 F.3d 958, 966 (8th Cir. 1998). As that court explained, “the conduct at issue must be ‘unwelcome’ in that the plaintiff neither solicited it nor invited it.”

The government shouldn’t be able to punish an employer for speech between workers that a worker solicited or invited. Society has a really compelling interest in preventing sexual harassment, verbal or physical. But it has much less of an interest in punishing offensive language that a worker can avoid simply by not soliciting or inviting it — like not asking a co-worker to discuss sexually offensive subject matter.

Yet the bill explicitly states that “Conduct may be workplace harassment regardless of whether…the complaining party participated in, the conduct.” While this statement is true in limited circumstances — forced participation is unwelcome — voluntary participation usually does show something is welcome.

As Judge Alito once noted before he was elevated to the Supreme Court, “there is no categorical ‘harassment exception’ to the First Amendment’s free speech clause,” so government officials can’t just redefine protected speech as sexual harassment. (He said that in his decision striking down a school’s policy banning racial, sexual, and sexual orientation harassment as defining harassment too broadly, in Saxe v. State College Area School District, 240 F.3d 200, 204 (3d Cir. 2001)).

Damages can’t be awarded for constitutionally protected speech, even if it causes someone emotional distress, or makes someone feel harassed. (See Snyder v. Phelps, 562 U.S. 443 (2011); DeAngelis v. El Paso Municipal Police Officers Association51 F.3d 591, 596-97 (5th Cir. 1995); Lyle v. Warner Bros. Television Productions132 P.3d 211, 231-32 (2006) (Chin, J., concurring)).

The bill’s omission of “unwelcomeness” is not the only odd thing about the bill’s definition and “rules” regarding what constitutes sexual harassment. It’s just one example of the bill changing the meaning of sexual harassment at employers’ expense, an example I was able to detect on short notice, since the bill only became available on the internet today. Given the bill’s departure from settled notions of what constitutes sexual harassment, I wouldn’t be surprised if more oddities were found in it. That seems like a reason to slow down and not approve the bill in its current form, rather than the committee racing to approve it at tomorrow’s hearing of the General Laws committee.

Another way its definition departs from how federal courts view sexual harassment is that it does not appear to require that conduct be sexist or based on sex to constitute illegal sexual harassment. Quite the contrary, it says that conduct “conduct may be workplace harassment regardless of whether…The conduct is also experienced by others outside the protected class involved.”

In federal court, if conduct is aimed at both men and women, and is equally offensive to both men and women, it is not legally sexual harassment. As the Supreme Court put it in its unanimous decision in Oncale v. Sundowner Offshore Services523 U.S. 775 (1998), “We have never held that workplace harassment, even harassment between men and women, is automatically discrimination because of sex merely because the words used have sexual content or connotations. ‘The critical issue…is whether members of one sex are exposed to disadvantageous terms or conditions of employment to which members of the other sex are not exposed.’” Some conduct is presumed to have occurred based on the target’s sex, like sexual advances, where such an “inference” is drawn. But usually, workplace rumors or discussions of sexual issues are not deemed to be “sexual harassment,” if they are not aimed at women based on their sex, and don’t reflect sexist stereotypes. (See, e.g., Pasqua v. Metropolitan Life Ins. Co.101 F.3d 514 (7th Cir. 1996); Duncan v. City of Denver, 397 F.3d 1300 (10th Cir. 2005)).

That is true even if such discussions are very offensive to some listeners. The purpose of antidiscrimination laws is to protect people from discrimination, not offensive speech that doesn’t act as a barrier to equal opportunity.

The original version of HB 1418 also had pitfalls. Federal law holds employers liable for allowing a sexually hostile work environment. The original bill held employers liable not only when the work environment was hostile or offensive, but also when the work environment wasn’t hostile or offensive, but someone in the workplace had the “purpose” of creating a hostile or offensive environment through their conduct. That could lead to a lawsuit over a single offensive comment that does not actually harm anyone or have any discriminatory effects, but allegedly has a hostile or offensive purpose. The blog post at this link argues that such liability for “purpose” alone violates the First Amendment, under the logic of court rulings like Saxe v. State College Area School District, 240 F.3d 200, 210-11 (2001).

Categories
Campus DED Sexual Assault Directive Due Process Sexual Assault

PR: Urgent Need for Lawmakers to Stop Campus ‘Kangaroo Courts’

Contact: Rebecca Stewart

Telephone: 513-479-3335

Email: info@saveservices.org

 Urgent Need for Lawmakers to Stop Campus ‘Kangaroo Courts’

WASHINGTON / February 3, 2020 – As evidence continues to mount of inept campus administrators and biased adjudications, SAVE urges lawmakers to take prompt steps to reform college sex tribunals, sometimes referred to derisively as “kangaroo courts.”

The federal Department of Education issued in 2011 a policy directing campus disciplinary committees to handle all allegations of sexual assault, including felony-level incidents (1). But problems with the new approach became immediately obvious, as the number of complaints to the federal Office for Civil Rights soon increased by more than five-fold (2).

Three recent incidents again illustrate the urgent need for reform:

On January 23, it was reported that the University of Idaho agreed to a $160,000 payment to Mairin Jameson. When Jameson had been sexually harassed and assaulted by a member of the school’s football team, school officials told her the school had no authority to act (3).

Two days later, federal Judge Michael Shea ordered the University of Connecticut to reinstate a male student who had been subjected to a biased campus hearing. The judge found the campus disciplinary committee denied the male student “the right to respond to the accusations against him in a meaningful way, because he had no opportunity to question or confront two of Roe’s witnesses on whose statements the hearing officers chose to rely.” (4)

Then on January 26, Columbia University in New York was in the news when campus adjudicators failed to consider as evidence a 30-minute audio recording suggesting the female was the perpetrator, not the victim, of a sexual assault. Former student Ben Feibleman is now suing Columbia U. for $25 million (5).

The Dept. of Education is expected to issue a new sexual assault regulation in the near future. The Independent Women’s Forum recently announced its support of the new policy, saying, “Campuses have a legal and moral obligation to investigate and address claims of sexual harassment and assault; but they also have an obligation to investigate claims objectively, without presuming the guilt of the accused, and with respect for due process.” (6)

This week, SAVE is launching a month-long campaign designed to raise awareness among lawmakers, campus administrators, and the public about the serious injustices confronting college students. The campaign hashtag is #StopKangarooCourts.

Citations:

  1. http://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/letters/colleague-201104.html
  2. https://www2.ed.gov/about/overview/budget/budget16/justifications/aa-ocr.pdf
  3. https://www.kxly.com/university-of-idaho-former-vandal-athlete-settle-lawsuit-over-handling-of-sexual-assault/
  4. https://reason.com/2020/01/25/federal-judge-concludes-uconn-sexual-assault-hearing-likely-violated-due-process/
  5. https://www.dailywire.com/news/she-begged-him-for-sex-and-then-accused-him-of-sexual-assault-columbia-expelled-him-despite-audio-proving-his-side?fbclid=IwAR2Zn9Za8cM9lnwBDxSuqnWgNfVRB6I-APOGIumq1xiGfcc5dSiuH5VGmRM
  6. https://iwf.org/blog/2811610/Two-Truths-And-a-Lie:-Sexual-Assault-on-Campus
  7. http://www.saveservices.org/camp/rein-in-campus-kangaroo/

 

SAVE – Stop Abusive and Violent Environments — is leading the national policy movement to restore due process, stop false allegations, and protect all victims.

Categories
Title IX

Major sporting events & domestic violence myth

Feminists claim a bogus strong link between televised football and/or major sports events such as the U.S Superbowl to sudden surges in the incidence of domestic violence.

By way of background this topic was formally addressed in another of my blog posts entitled ‘Fudging the figures to support the feminist narrative‘.

Given however that the media repeats the same theme in various western countries on a fairly regular basis, I have decided that it merits its own post here. But don’t take my word for it, just try word-searching on google, twitter, etc, using terms like ‘World Cup domestic violence’ or ‘Super Bowl domestic violence’ to find examples such as those listed below.

To start the ball rolling let’s begin by reading ‘Does most domestic violence occur on Super Bowl sunday?‘ (7 September 2001), and then move on to ‘The World Cup Abuse Nightmare‘, by Christina Hoff Sommers (10 July 2010)

Australian variants of the same hoax include this 2014 article and one about the NSW State of Origin (2018)

I used to think the Melbourne Cup was wholesome as … well … whatever. But oh, no! Here’s a sample of relevant articles that suggest otherwise:

Our Watch CEO: Keeping women safe is crucial ahead of next week (1 November 2019), Families not the winners on Cup day, and Melbourne Cup alcohol and domestic violence

Take a look at ‘Today, as many celebrate, Australia becomes a more dangerous place for women and children‘ (5 November 2019) for the unconvincing ‘proof’ of alleged jumps in domestic violence.

Then there’s ‘Domestic violence services brace for calls as some men take out their footy finals frustration‘ (20 September 2019) And take a look at Twitter to see how many feminist groups and White Knights are trumpeting this misandrist fable.

But wait, a variation on the theme – people (men, of course) also beat their partners after natural disasters … refer to ‘The Hidden Disaster: Violence in the Aftermath of Natural Disaster‘ (2013). See also ‘NSW, Sydney, QLD bushfire updates: Fury after activist links firefighters to domestic violence‘ (13 November 2019)

And here’s a couple of 2018 World Cup articles (example 1 / example 2)

Searches related to domestic violence spiked during both World Cup semi-finals (14 July 2018)

The Two Englands (12 July 2018)

Manager of Newtown pub fired for ‘joking’ about violence against women (19 July 2018)

Oh, but wait. Now it’s being claimed that climate change is also a trigger for increasing level of domestic violence against women (google search on ‘domestic violence climate change’ for more on this topic)

Climate breakdown ‘is increasing violence against women’ (30 January 2020)

Why climate change fuels violence against women (28 January 2020)

(I will progressively add to this list of papers as & when I find the time)