Categories
Domestic Violence Sexual Assault Victims Violence Against Women Act

HEROES Coronavirus Bill is Chock-Full of Domestic Violence Provisions

The coronavirus relief bill, the HEROES Act, HR 6800, was recently introduced in the House of Representatives. The bill proposes $3 trillion (with a ‘T’) in new federal expenditures.

There is little evidence that coronavirus stay-at-home policies are causing a “surge” or “spike” in domestic violence cases. Nonetheless, the HEROES Act bill contains numerous domestic violence and sexual assault provisions that would increase spending by $170 million. Many of the provisions are budget-focused, while others would mandate policy changes in existing programs.

These provisions are listed below.

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Office On Violence Against Women

Violence against women prevention and prosecution programs

For an additional amount for “Violence Against Women Prevention and Prosecution Programs”, $100,000,000, to remain available until expended, of which—

(1) $30,000,000 is for grants to combat violence against women, as authorized by part T of the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Acts of 1968;

(2) $15,000,000 is for transitional housing assistance grants for victims of domestic violence, dating violence, stalking, or sexual assault, as authorized by section 40299 of the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994 (Public Law 103–322; “1994 Act”);

(3) $15,000,000 is for sexual assault victims assistance, as authorized by section 41601 of the 1994 Act;

(4) $10,000,000 is for rural domestic violence and child abuse enforcement assistance grants, as authorized by section 40295 of the 1994 Act;

(5) $10,000,000 is for legal assistance for victims, as authorized by section 1201 of the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000 (Public Law 106–386; “2000 Act”);

(6) $4,000,000 is for grants to assist tribal governments in exercising special domestic violence criminal jurisdiction, as authorized by section 904 of the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2013; and

(7) $16,000,000 is for grants to support families in the justice system, as authorized by section 1301 of the 2000 Act:

Indian Health Service

(4) $20,000,000 shall be used to address the needs of domestic violence victims and homeless individuals and families;

Children and Families Services Programs

(1) $50,000,000 for Family Violence Prevention and Services grants as authorized by section 303(a) and 303(b) of the Family Violence Prevention and Services Act with such funds available to grantees without regard to matching requirements under section 306(c)(4) of such Act, of which $2,000,000 shall be for the National Domestic Violence Hotline:

Community Planning And Development

That funds made available under this heading in this Act and under this heading in title XII of division B of the CARES Act (Public Law 116–136) may be used for eligible activities the Secretary determines to be critical in order to assist survivors of domestic violence, sexual assault, dating violence, and stalking or to assist homeless youth, age 24 and under:

Public And Indian Housing

$1,000,000,000 shall be used for incremental rental voucher assistance under section 8(o) of the United States Housing Act of 1937 for use by individuals and families who are—homeless, as defined under section 103(a) of the McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act (42 U.S.C. 11302(a)); at risk of homelessness, as defined under section 401(1) of the McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act (42 U.S.C. 11360(1)); or fleeing, or attempting to flee, domestic violence, dating violence, sexual assault, or stalking:

SEC. 40306. GRANTS TO ASSIST LOW-INCOME WOMEN AND SURVIVORS OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN OBTAINING QUALIFIED DOMESTIC RELATIONS ORDERS.

(a) Authorization Of Grant Awards.—The Secretary of Labor, acting through the Director of the Women’s Bureau and in conjunction with the Assistant Secretary of the Employee Benefits Security Administration, shall award grants, on a competitive basis, to eligible entities to enable such entities to assist low-income women and survivors of domestic violence in obtaining qualified domestic relations orders and ensuring that those women actually obtain the benefits to which they are entitled through those orders.

(b) Definition Of Eligible Entity.—In this section, the term “eligible entity” means a community-based organization with proven experience and expertise in serving women and the financial and retirement needs of women.

(c) Application.—An eligible entity that desires to receive a grant under this section shall submit an application to the Secretary of Labor at such time, in such manner, and accompanied by such information as the Secretary of Labor may require.

(d) Minimum Grant Amount.—The Secretary of Labor shall award grants under this section in amounts of not less than $250,000.

(e) Use Of Funds.—An eligible entity that receives a grant under this section shall use the grant funds to develop programs to offer help to low-income women or survivors of domestic violence who need assistance in preparing, obtaining, and effectuating a qualified domestic relations order.

EMERGENCY RENTAL ASSISTANCE VOUCHER PROGRAM

DATORY PREFERENCES.—Each public housing agency administering assistance under this section shall provide preference for such assistance to eligible families that are—

(i) homeless (as such term is defined in section 103(a) of the McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act (42 U.S.C. 11302(a));

(ii) at risk of homelessness (as such term is defined in section 401 of the McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act (42 U.S.C. 11360); or

(iii) fleeing, or attempting to flee, domestic violence, dating violence, sexual assault, or stalking.

TITLE I—PROVISIONS RELATING TO STATE, LOCAL, TRIBAL, AND PRIVATE SECTOR WORKERS

(5) ESSENTIAL WORK.—The term “essential work” means any work that—

(A) is performed during the period that begins on January 27, 2020 and ends 60 days after the last day of the COVID–19 Public Health Emergency;

(B) is not performed while teleworking from a residence;

(C) involves—

(i) regular in-person interactions with—

(I) patients;

(II) the public; or

(III) coworkers of the individual performing the work; or

(ii) regular physical handling of items that were handled by, or are to be handled by—

(I) patients;

(II) the public; or

(III) coworkers of the individual performing the work; and

(D) is in any of the following areas:

(i) First responder work, in the public sector or private sector, including services in response to emergencies that have the potential to cause death or serious bodily injury, such as police, fire, emergency medical, protective, child maltreatment, domestic violence, and correctional services (including activities carried out by employees in fire protection activities, as defined in section 3(y) of the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 (29 U.S.C. 203(y)) and activities of law enforcement officers, as defined in section 1204(6) of the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 (34 U.S.C. 10284(6)).

(xi) Social services work, including social work, case management, social and human services, child welfare, family services, shelter and services for people who have experienced intimate partner violence or sexual assault, services for individuals who are homeless, child services, community food and housing services, and other emergency social services.

Categories
Title IX

ACLU sues Betsy DeVos over new campus sexual assault rules

Education Secretary Betsy DeVos’ revised federal guidelines on how sexual assault allegations should be handled on college and K-12 campuses is the target of a federal lawsuit filed Thursday, claiming the changes would “inflict significant harm” on victims and “dramatically undermine” their civil rights.

The suit, filed on behalf of four advocacy groups for sexual assault survivors, including Know Your IX and Girls for Gender Equity, is the first that attempts to block the Department of Education’s new provisions before they go into effect on Aug. 14.

The rules championed by DeVos effectively bolster the rights of due process for those accused of sexual assault and harassment, allowing for live hearings and cross examinations. It’s what agency officials say was lacking under the Obama administration to protect all students under Title IX, a 1972 law that prohibits gender discrimination, including sexual assault, at schools.

“This new federal effort to weaken Title IX makes it more difficult for victims of sexual harassment or sexual assault to continue their educations and needlessly comes amid a global pandemic,” according to the suit, which was filed in U.S. District Court in Maryland by the American Civil Liberties Union and the New York-based law firm Stroock & Stroock & Lavan LLP.

The suit names DeVos, the Education Department and Kenneth Marcus, the agency’s assistant secretary of civil rights. The department did not immediately respond to a request for comment about the complaint.

DeVos last week denied that the final rule would discourage victims from coming forward to report abuse and instead, allows for schools to be more balanced in how they review claims, rather than through what she called a “kangaroo court” approach.

“We can continue to combat sexual misconduct without abandoning our core values of fairness, presumption of innocence and due process,” DeVos told reporters.

How schools should address sexual assault comes amid the larger #MeToo movement focusing on claims of misconduct that might otherwise go ignored. Schools that fail to adhere to Title IX requirements risk the loss of federal funding.

Advocates for accused sexual misconduct perpetrators and some civil liberties organizations have argued that the guidance under the Obama administration was too loose and didn’t properly afford the accused a presumption of innocence and hold schools to a standard of impartiality.

But the ACLU is among several groups that threatened legal action to halt the final Title IX changes, warning the Education Department it would “see you in court.”

Victim advocates are concerned students are “required to jump through hoops” to convince their respective schools to even open an investigation, Ria Tabacco Mar, director of the ACLU’s Women’s Rights Project, said Thursday.

The suit, she said, is challenging the Title IX regulations that will redefine sexual misconduct in more narrower terms, including that it must be “so severe, pervasive and objectively offensive” that it “denies a person equal access to the school’s education program or activity.” (The definition comports with how the Supreme Court regards sexual harassment.)

But Tabacco Mar argues that it creates a “double standard” for how schools must treat sexual discrimination complaints compared to how they handle allegations of race, national origin and disability discrimination.

In addition, the suit takes issue with how the rule will allow universities to investigate complaints that are only made through a formal process and to certain officials as opposed to any school employee. (The rule, however, does permit complaints in K-12 schools to be shared with any employee, which then must trigger an investigation.)

The suit also argues that schools, under the final rule, can willfully ignore certain sexual assault complaints that might occur off-campus or during study abroad programs, and use a higher standard of proof for determining whether an accused student violated a code of conduct policy.

According to the suit, that would place “a heavier burden on those alleging sexual harassment than on students who allege other forms of harassment.”

Source: https://news.yahoo.com/aclu-sues-betsy-devos-over-194951672.html

Categories
Domestic Violence

Has there been a surge in domestic violence during the Covid-19 pandemic?

Since the start of the Covid-19 pandemic the feminist lobby has claimed that there has been a surge* in domestic violence. (*Note that the term ‘surge’ has been well and truly overtaken by now, most recently by ‘staggering increase‘). This development has manifested itself across several countries, with the UN Women agency being a significant player. The feminist lobby has linked this alleged increase in violence to, in particular, the common practice of governments requiring people to quarantine in their own homes.

The proof offered to support the feminist position has varied somewhat, but has primarily been claimed to be significant increases in call volume to DV help-lines (largely operated by feminist NGO’s). There have also been similar claims made in relation to alleged increases in traffic to web sites dealing with the welfare of victims of DV.

In only one of the media articles I have read thus far, was reference made to an increase in the number of calls to police. This did not relate to increases in the number of charges laid, nor punishments meted out, but rather to queries made by people concerned about a perceived threat of DV.

I would suggest, as have others, that domestic violence is the feminist lobby’s primary cash-cow. Consider too, for example, the salary of DV agency bosses such as Sandra Horley, who is reported to receive a remuneration package of more than £210,000. The British Prime Minister is currently paid approx. £155,000.

To base government policy, even just one-off hand-outs of public money, based on unverified allegations, is at best naïve. And when such claims are being provided by individuals with a vested interest in promoting a public view of a problem that they assert to be large & growing. Well, one might label such vested interest ‘ideological bias’, ‘pecuniary interest’, or worse. But whatever you call it, it is by no means competent, objective, unbiased research.

It is particularly annoying that whilst the feminist-saturated domestic violence industry is loudly proclaiming a jump in violence in the home, they are maintaining their silence with respect to the reality of female-perpetrated assaults/abuse of men and children.

What follows now are a series of media releases or articles dealing with the issue, presented in reverse chronological order:

No evidence that domestic violence is rising due to COVID-19 (11 May 2020) USA

Government to invest millions into family violence services (11 May 2020) Meanwhile, also in New Zealand, “demand during lockdown increased by some 35 percent compared to last year, but she believed the full impact was yet to emerge.”

Hollande highlights domestic violence in French lockdown (9 May 2020) The World Health Organisation claims that domestic violence has increased by 60% (based on “emergency calls by women” they claimed had been made).

Dementia charity sees 44% increase in calls during COVID-19 lockdown (9 May 2020) UK. Imagine 44% more people becoming demented. Better get your chequebook out, Prime Minister. Look out Team Harpie #HostileTakeover

The shocking rise in domestic violence reports since lockdown (3 May 2020) Australia

“One of the terrible side effects of Australia being in lockdown is the alarming rise in the number of people ringing domestic violence help lines”

Coronavirus: Government pledges £76m for abuse victims (2 May 2020) UK

“But Labour said this fell “woefully short” of what was needed and proposed amendments to the bill that would see 10% of the £750 million charity support package announced last month ring-fenced in a fast-track fund for domestic abuse charities”

Woman who stabbed boyfriend in the hand told police ‘isolation is getting to me’ (1 May 2020) UK

Domestic violence victims seeking help rises 10 per cent after COVID-19 lockdown (1 May 2020) Australia

” … I have just had 50 front-line workers on a statewide forum on the phone and all of them are saying how much busier it is… and now the stats come back to prove it”. “Stats” that agency staff themselves generated … what could go wrong?

“Ms Foster said the figures were concerning because they conflicted with a recent report from the Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, which found “domestic violence assaults recorded by police did not increase in March 2020, despite social distancing measures commencing … But Ms Foster said the report had sent a “dangerous message” to victims and policymakers. She said it was “irresponsible to put out a report drawing a conclusion that fears that domestic violence would increase hadn’t been realised.”

Coronavirus: Homes a prison as assaults on rise (1 May 2020) Australia

“The Queensland Minister for the Prevention of Domestic and Family Violence, Di Farmer, said authorities across the country were grappling with an “amplification” of abuse caused by the COVID-19 outbreak and tough health restrictions.

Domestic violence crisis centres in the state have experienced a 40 per cent spike in calls for help since the start of the pandemic …”

Domestic violence services prepare for demand as coronavirus restrictions begin to ease (1 May 2020) Australia

“The most concerning statistic came from Google data, with the Federal Government seeing a 75 per cent increase in searches about family and domestic violence compared to the average number of searches over the previous five years.”

“Alison Macdonald, acting chief executive of Domestic Violence Victoria, said there was clear evidence a surge in demand was coming. “We know from international evidence that there are spikes in family violence in post emergency and post crisis situations,” she said. “We know from Australian experience with bushfires, with floods and with cyclones.”

Women’s safety and Covid-19: Focus on the evidence (30 April 2020) ANROWS agency. Australia. A slightly more detailed discussion of the information that is currently available

Domestic abuse killings double and calls to helpline surge by 50% during coronavirus lockdown (27 April 2020) UK. And online requests for help have gone up 400%. All as reported by campaigners and agency staff, etc. And gov’t hands over money for yet another awareness campaign (#youarenotalone)

Impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on family planning and ending gender-based violence (27 April 2020) Another day, another UN report, with this one asserting that:

“To estimate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on efforts to end gender-based violence, Avenir Health modelled a delay in the scale-up of prevention efforts as attention and resources are devoted to COVID-19, and an increase in violence during the period of lockdown. Assuming a slow start to the scale-up of prevention programmes (i.e., a 2-year delay in 2020 and 2021), followed by a rapid expansion of prevention programs in the middle of the decade, an estimated 2 million additional instances of intimate partner violence in 2020-2021 are expected.”

“COVID-19 pandemic is likely to cause a one-third reduction in progress towards ending gender-based violence by 2030”

“For every 3 months the lockdown continues, an additional 15 million additional cases of gender-based violence are expected”

That’s right, no police reports were used to generate predictions. It was all based on modelling. Remarkable. And of course, no mention anywhere of female perpetration.

UK lockdown: Calls to domestic abuse helpline jump by half (27 April 2020) UK. I’m getting dizzy, now calls to helplines *are* jumping up (but still no ‘real’ statistics).

Man fighting for life, woman expected to be charged following serious stabbing at Kilburn in Adelaide (25 April 2020) South Australia

Domestic violence in the wake of COVID-19 (23 April 2020) NSW, Australia

“Domestic violence assaults recorded by police did not increase in March 2020”

Hotels say offer of refuge for domestic abuse victims has been snubbed (19 April 2020) UK. Just send cash please

Coronavirus Australia: Why calls to domestic violence helplines are plummeting (18 April 2020) So a surge in calls means more domestic violence hence more funds are needed for feminist NGO’s, whereas a lull in calls means the same thing. OK, sure

Domestic abuse killings ‘more than double’ amid Covid-19 lockdown (15 April 2020) As identified by “campaigners”. Read more about ‘Counting Dead Women’ here.

COVID-19: The bystander role has never been more critical in calling out (9 April 2020) What’s going on? There appears to be a change of feminist tactics, as suddenly statements admitting that there has been no boost in the number of DV victims post commencement of pandemic.

No spike in domestic violence in Tasmania despite early warnings: police (9 April 2020) Whoops, now that’s awkward. And here’s an unconvincing attempt at recovery by a high-profile feminist spokesperson.

A new Covid-19 crisis: Domestic abuse rises worldwide (7 April 2020)

Statement by Executive-Director UN Women regarding the effect of Covid-19 on the incidence of domestic violence (6 April 2020) Another report released the same week. In each case the ‘proof’ of the link (between Covid-19 and heightened domestic violence) is inferred to be claims made by staff of feminist agencies & NGO’s.

Family violence perpetrators using COVID-19 as ‘a form of abuse we have not experienced before’ (29 March 2020)

‘Covid-19 will slam the door shut’: Australia’s family services brace for domestic violence spike (28 March 2020)

More men die: Women most affected. A Janice Fiamengo video (24 March 2020)

Coronavirus Australia: Why women will feel the impact more than men (17 March 2020)

 

Original article lightly edited to include relevant information. Source: http://www.fighting4fair.com/blog-posts/ 

Categories
Campus Title IX

ATIXA Puts Members into Legal Jeopardy Regarding Requirement to Publicly Post Training Materials

The new Title IX regulation affirms, “A recipient must make these training materials publicly available on its website.” (1) SAVE believes this is one of the most important provisions in the new regulation into order to bring an end to the pernicious sex stereotypes and gender discrimination that have emerged in recent years.

So what part of “A recipient must make these training materials publicly available on its website” does the Association for Title IX Administrators (ATIXA) not understand?

The ATIXA website boasts that it “brings campus and district Title IX Coordinators and administrators into professional collaboration to explore best practices, share resources, and advance the worthy goal of gender equity in education.” (2) This makes it all the more important to “get it right” for the vast number of members who look to ATIXA to interpret and apply the law, or else put their members at legal and financial risk.

On Monday, May 11, ATIXA sponsored a webinar titled, “Ten Things to Know About the New Title IX Regulations.” (3) Brett Sokolow, president of ATIXA, told over 4,200 webinar attendees that they are not to follow the Department of Education regulation, but instead follow ATIXA’s legally dubious guidance. Making the claim that the ATIXA training materials are “proprietary,” Sokolow admonished the group:

“And so for materials that are proprietary, our suggestion is that you do the following: that you list those on your website by the type of document, or webinar, or training video, or whatever the materials are, by its title and authorship; but that you don’t include the contents.  You just include the title and then you allow members of the public to request access, which will probably be in your office.”

Emphasizing the point, Sokolow continued,

They are not permitted to have a copy….and are not allowed to take photos or screenshots….they are allowed to take notes on what they see.”

Hmmm. This sounds eerily similar to the extremely limited access that accused students were afforded by Title IX administrators to view crucial witness statements, documents, and evidence during the nine-year “Kangaroo Court” era following issuance of the 2011 Dear Colleague Letter on sexual violence.  The Department of Education put a stop to that nonsense with the issuance of the new Title IX Regulation.

It appears the Department of Education will need to do the same to address ATIXA’s misguided instruction to its members.

Citations:

  1. Section 106.45(10)(i)(D)
  2. https://atixa.org/
  3. https://cdn.atixa.org/website-media/atixa.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/11155019/ATIXA-R3-Webinar-Slides_5.11.20.pdf
Categories
Title IX

Black men protected most by Trump reforms to Obama-Biden campus sexual assault rules, experts say

Critics say there were ‘parallels between the treatment of black men accused of rape during the infamous Jim Crow period and the adjudication of sexual assault cases in the current [Obama] era.’

Campus sexual assault
Rally against sexual assault, Howard University, Washington, D.C., 2016.
(Photo by Win McNamee/Getty Images)
Last Updated:
May 12, 2020 – 4:10pm

Critics say black men were disproportionately hit by Obama-Biden campus sexual assault rules denying due process and are cheering the Trump administration’s reversal of those policies.

On Wednesday, the Department of Education released new Title IX regulations that codify the obligation of schools to investigate claims of sexual assault and harassment. Previous rules under the Obama administration laid the groundwork for what exists today on many campuses: byzantine sexual misconduct disciplinary systems that investigate and punish all manner of sex-related behavior — from sexually suggestive jokes to drunken couplings to forcible rape. Critics say these extra-judicial systems often abandon the presumption of innocence and stack the deck against accused students, denying them basic due process.

“Once again, the Trump administration is righting a wrong perpetrated by Joe Biden, who as Vice President spearheaded a Title IX initiative that attempted to overhaul the assumptions on which our legal system is built and undermined the ability of the accused, usually men and often men of color, to get a fair hearing,” Andrew Clark, Rapid Response Director for the Trump campaign, wrote in a press statement. “Black men were disproportionately hurt by Biden’s campus sexual assault policy.”

In his statement, Clark linked to a 2018 report from The College Fix titled, “Believe the survivor? Here’s 11 times young black men were railroaded by campus sexual assault claims.”

“Six years’ worth of dismal due process rights for the accused has led to hundreds of young men fighting sexual assault claim allegations in court,” wrote The College Fix’s Michael Jones. “Even more concerning, this lack of protection has rendered one group particularly vulnerable — young black men.”

Jones cited a report from Center for Prosecutor Integrity, a nonprofit group that fights the “over-criminalization” of sexual activities. The report argues there are “parallels between the treatment of Black men accused of rape during the infamous Jim Crow period, and the adjudication of sexual assault cases in the current era.”

Jones also referred to Harvard Law School Professor Janet Halley, who has helped represent both alleged victims and alleged perpetrators in campus sexual-misconduct investigations. Halley testified before Congress in 2015 that male students of color are accused and punished at “unreasonably high” rates.

In her written testimony to Congress, which was an article she’d written for The American Prospect Magazine, former federal judge Nancy Gertner, a retired Harvard Law professor, also pointed to “the racial implications of rape accusations, the complex intersection of bias, stereotyping, and sex in the prosecution of this crime.”

The Trump campaign noted that multiple journalists and political analysts have called attention to Biden’s politically selective standards for weighing guilt and innocence in sexual assault cases

“It’s despicable that Joe Biden lowered the standards for accusations on college campuses to basically install a presumption of guilt for the accused,” Paris Dennard, Black Voices for Trump Advisory Board member, told Just the News. “There is no doubt these policies disproportionally impacted students of color. Now that he is in the hot seat, Biden doesn’t want that same standard applied to him, and that is the height of hypocrisy. I am confident the black community will see the arrogance of Joe Biden for thinking the same rules don’t apply to him.”

John Burnett, a Republican strategist and African-American activist based in New York City, told Just the News that the Trump administration’s new campus rules dovetail with prior actions Trump has taken to reform the criminal justice system, including a law known as the First Step Act. A report by the U.S. Sentencing Commission found that 91% of the 1,051 people who received retroactive prison sentence reductions under the act were black.

“Biden is the liberal that Malcolm X warned black America about over 50 years ago,” Burnett said. “The Trump administration made criminal justice reform a priority by passing the First Step Act, and currently working on a Second Step Act, while undoing the Title IX campus initiative to curtail due process rights that disproportionately impacted black men. Hence, he is dismantling Biden’s legacy of mass incarceration.”

The Biden campaign did not respond to a request for comment from Just the News. Biden has enjoyed strong support among black voters during the Democratic presidential primary, with key support from Rep. Jim Clyburn (D-S.C.), a well-known black civil rights leader, playing a pivotal role in turning Biden’s political fortunes around after stinging defeats in Iowa and New Hampshire.

Supporters of the new Trump-era regulations, which carry the force of law, say they will help both alleged victims along with the accused.

“The new rules protect survivors by making college disciplinary decisions more likely to withstand legal scrutiny and by emphasizing the need for supportive measures for victims — even for those who choose not to file a formal complaint,” Jennifer C. Braceras, director of the Independent Women’s Law Center, said in a statement. “Only by addressing claims of sexual misconduct and providing due process can colleges begin to restore faith in the system.”

Categories
Title IX

No Evidence That Domestic Violence Is Rising Due To COVID-19

https://libertarianinstitute.org/uncategorized/no-evidence-that-domestic-violence-is-rising-due-to-covid-19/

A media blitz declares domestic violence (DV) is soaring during COVID-19 because stay-at-home orders have trapped women and children in close proximity to abusive men. Flawed evidence and assumptions underlie this claim but, with the panic of the crisis, it could be embedded in public policy, nevertheless.

A headline in Vice presents the perceived problem: “New York Is Seeing a ‘Frightening’ Increase in Domestic Violence Calls. Calls to New York’s domestic violence hotline rose by 30% in April, compared to the same month last year.” The information apparently comes from Crystal Justice, the Hotline’s chief development and marketing officer.

According to a report in the Chicago Tribune, however, “The New York City Police Department said that reports of domestic violence have ‘progressively declined’ since the onset of the pandemic. The crimes fell nearly 15% last month compared to March 2019.” Melinda Katz, district attorney in Queens, reports “domestic violence arrests have fallen nearly 40%.” Perhaps the lesson of the Vice story is that calls to a hotline are not a good indicator of actual domestic violence rates.

An April 28 article in the Huffington Post offers a solution to the problem that it acknowledges as being only “likely” to exist. “Two advocacy organizations released a slew of recommendations for the next coronavirus relief legislation [CARES2], which Congress is drafting now. Chief on the list of demands is emergency funding.” The first CARES package included funding for the National Domestic Violence Hotline and $45 million for other DV programs.

A political push has been underway. In an April 13 letter, 41 Senators from 29 states called upon future COVID-19 relief bills to allocate an additional $413 million to programs that address the “horrifying…surge” in DV. The primary vehicle proposed for dispersing funds and services was the controversial Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), which has yet to secure reauthorization.

It is time to pause in the race to legislation and ask the most basic question: is there a surge in DV? The supporting evidence seems anecdotal and often histrionic; it is usually provided by advocates or organizations with a vested interest in DV funding. These factors do not invalidate the data offered, but they heighten the need for scrutiny and for more neutral sources to be checked.

The Coalition to End Domestic Violence recently conducted a rough verification test. The CEDV did a Google search on the terms “coronavirus,” “domestic violence,” “police reports,” and each senator’s state. (Police reports are among the most politically neutral sources that are easily available.) The results from the 14 states that responded were categorized to indicate a decrease in DV (more than 10% under baseline), a steady mode (less than 10% change), or an increase (more than 10% higher). Eight states revealed a decrease; five were steady; and one confirmed an increase.

The increase occurred in Boise, Idaho. The Idaho Statesman (March 18) explained, “Local police saw a mild increase in domestic reports last week, compared to the same time last year, but it’s too early to tell if it is a real trend. From March 7 through March 14, Boise Police responded to 63 reports of domestic battery and domestic disputes. In the same week of 2019, Boise Police responded to 55 reports of domestic battery and domestic disputes.”

The point is not that one set of claims is true, and the other is false. The point is that the reports are preliminary and contradictory. The claims need to be checked before hasty legislation embeds bad data into law.

Some people will ask, “What’s the harm?” Apart from expending taxpayer money in a time of fiscal crisis, DV prevention is correctly considered to be a worthy cause that deserves compassion and cash. A great deal of harm occurs, however. DV is further politicized and pushed away from what is real about the issue. For example, media accounts almost always refer to the victim as female and the abuser as male even though the abuse of men is common.

How common? Studies and estimates differ, partly because men are notoriously reluctant to report abuse for which they are often ridiculed or dismissed. The Centers for Disease Control’s National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey (2015) found that “In the U.S., about 1 in 3 (33.6% or 37.3 million) men experienced contact sexual violence, physical violence, and/or stalking by an intimate partner during their lifetime.” Meanwhile, “over 1 in 3 (36.4% or 43.6 million) women” experienced DV. The injuries to women tend to be more severe but the rate of abuse is roughly the same for both sexes.

The bottom line: Men endure a significant and, perhaps, an equal rate of DV. If stay-at-home confinement increases violence against women, then confined men should be equally vulnerable to greater abuse. Yet the proposed funding and protections are extended through the VAWA—with the ‘W’ standing for ‘Women’— which is notorious for discriminating against male victims. The Act’s language is gender neutral but its programs are not; shelters are almost always “women-only” places, for example.

The April 13 letter from the 41 Senators offers another example of anti-male discrimination. “American Indian and Alaska Native communities” are singled out as desperately needing DV services. “Shelters and Tribal advocacy programs,” the letter states, “are often all that stand between safety and Native women going missing and/or murdered.” This language echoes a section of VAWA—Title IX: Safety for Indian Women—which cites a stunning statistic from a National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey. “More than 4 in 5 American Indian and Alaska Native women, or 84.3 percent, have experienced violence in their lifetime.” The VAWA citation has a curious omission, however. Immediately thereafter, the Survey states that “more than 4 in 5 American Indian and Alaska Native men (81.6 percent) have experienced violence in their lifetime.” In other words, the men experience only 2.7 percent less violence than the women. And, yet, only women are mentioned.

A head-long rush toward DV legislation that is based on fear of COVID-19 and on gender bias is far from harmless. It continues the problem by distorting the reality of DV and fixing prejudice against men into the law. Everything about COVID-19 claims should be checked and verified, including underlying assumptions.

Categories
Title IX

Foxx Statement on Education Department’s Title IX Rule

https://republicans-edlabor.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=406948

WASHINGTON, D.C. | May 6, 2020
Today, Republican Leader of the House Education and Labor Committee, Rep. Virginia Foxx (R-NC), issued the following statement supporting the Department of Education’s final rule to address the responsibilities of college campuses and K-12 schools under Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972:

“Our highest priority is to ensure that all students can pursue education free from discrimination, harassment, and sexual violence. But as the Speaker noted last week, those accused of sexual assault are also owed due process, and we owe it to all students to ensure that campus judicial procedures operate consistently with our nation’s fundamental beliefs in fairness. The regulation issued today accomplishes both goals. It ensures protections for sexual assault survivors and requires thorough investigations of sexual assault incidents. It also aligns Title IX requirements with court precedents and provides fundamental protections for due process. I commend Secretary DeVos for her thoughtful approach to this important issue, listening to feedback from stakeholders, and producing a final rule that will help institutions protect the safety and rights of all students.”

NOTE: In 2011, the Obama administration issued an informal letter defining sexual harassment as a form of sex discrimination actionable under Title IX. A follow-up letter in April 2014 provided additional guidance on schools’ responsibilities under Title IX to address sexual violence as a form of sexual harassment. These two letters generated significant controversy and confusion. Many have criticized the letters for undermining due process rights for involved parties, and multiple court cases have struck down campus procedures that resulted from the guidance.

Categories
Campus Title IX Equity Project

Growing Debate Whether Title IX Should Help Male Students Excluded by Female-Only Programs

Coding camps for girls. Scholarships for women only. Grants for female faculty. Mentorships for women and “femme-identified” undergrads.

Such same-sex exclusive perks are a staple of academia’s mission to achieve an equitable society. Some colleges go further and offer women’s only hours at the campus gym, weight room and swimming pool.

Created to counter sexual harassment and discrimination, these programs are now being reviewed by the Trump administration’s Department of Education. The federal department’s Office for Civil Rights has opened more than 90 investigations of the programs to date, in all 12 of the office’s regional branches nationwide, and the total grows nearly every week as complaints are reviewed and accepted for investigation.

The complaints started off as a trickle, lodged mostly by men who found the programs offensive, and have come fast and furious in the past few years. Nearly 300 complaints now await resolution.

The charges of anti-male discrimination may soon balloon as advocates expand their campaign to K-12 schools that receive federal funding and are subject to federal regulatory compliance and Title IX oversight. In April, the Office for Civil Rights opened an investigation against New York City’s Department of Education, based on a Title IX complaint that public schools are hosting single-sex Girls Who Code after-school camps. One advocate predicts this could lead to hundreds more complaints against public school districts.

“It’s now a new era of civil rights for all, and not the past practice of civil rights for some,” said Mark J. Perry, a University of Michigan professor of finance and business economics who has filed 129 complaints against universities since 2016. He said female success in academia is so “overwhelming” that the notion that women face disadvantages is “outdated.”

Defenders contend that bias persists despite such arguments, likening them to attacks on affirmative action as a form of reverse discrimination.

“Let’s look at the reality: We still have these persistent challenges in our society, so let’s make it easier for women to access and thrive in STEM or other areas,” said Lynn Pasquerella, president of the Association of American Colleges and Universities, referring to the common acronym for science, technology, engineering and math.

The allegations of anti-male bias in education touch on conflicting understandings of fairness, and raise the question of whether policies used to redress discrimination come with an expiration date. They also raise a more fundamental point that goes beyond the regulatory definition of discrimination: To what extent are disparities between men and women shaped by society or by genetics? And at what point do well-intended social policies become rigid social agendas?

In a legal strategy some see as ironic and others consider cynical, the complaints are based on the federal Title IX anti-discrimination law enacted in 1972 to give women a fair shake.

Perry, a self-described libertarian and an American Enterprise Institute scholar, is occasionally tipped off by professors and others about female-only programs at their institutions. He wasn’t the first to allege anti-male discrimination when he lodged his first objection in 2016 before Donald Trump’s election – against a women-only lounge at Michigan State University – but he escalated the allegations to a systematic nationwide campaign.

He said the same issues are playing out in the private sector, with many companies favoring employees by gender, sexual orientation or ethnicity, along with a diversity push to boost women in technology that some quietly resent. “What starts in higher education often filters out or metastasizes in corporate America,” Perry said.

And Perry is comfortable using the language of social justice activists to describe his motivations and to impugn the motives of his critics.

“Women’s groups and feminists are clinging to their special preferences as a way to maintain power and privilege, and a disproportionate share of campus resources,” Perry said.

While women’s rights advocates say such single-sex programs are necessary to counter discrimination women face on campus, the Department of Education has stated they are illegal unless the university provides equivalent opportunities for men.

Women were once grievously underrepresented in universities, but since the early 1980s they have accounted for most undergraduate degrees, according to federal data. The projection for this year’s graduates is that women will represent 57.4% of bachelor’s degrees, 59.9% of master’s degrees and 53.8% of doctorates. Those projections are expected to remain stable for the next decade.

But despite years of efforts, women account for only 20% of bachelor’s degrees in computer science and 22.2% of bachelor’s in engineering. Much of the disagreement over the Title IX complaints relates to these two STEM disciplines, where the disparity is so lopsided it is reminiscent of universities a century ago.

In response to the Title IX complaints, several dozen universities have voluntarily opened their single-sex programs to males or created parallel programs just for men.

For example, Eastern Michigan University last November supplemented a Digital Divas computer camp for middle school and high school girls with a Digital Dudes camp for boys. Institutions that agreed to open up programs to males include Grand Valley State University with its Science Technology & Engineering Preview Summer (STEPS) Camp for Girls, the University of Pennsylvania’s Penn Girls in Engineering and Science Camp (GEMS) and the WISE Summer Camp at Clemson University, which has been operating more than 20 years.

Tulane University even agreed to provide remedial training to campus administrators who oversee financial aid and other programs, to teach them that Title IX prohibits all sex discrimination, “including discrimination against men,” according to the 2018 agreement between Tulane and Office for Civil Rights. That concession was part of Tulane’s agreement to alter 16 women-only fellowships, grants, mentorships and other programs.

At the same time, some universities are “aggressively challenging” the complaints, said Phil Catanzano, who worked as an OCR lawyer in Boston for a decade until 2015 and now represents about a dozen universities that have been accused of anti-male discrimination. Catanzano, who would not disclose which universities he represents, said at least some of the programs can be saved by arguing they are necessary to counter discrimination, and by demonstrating they don’t limit opportunities for male students and faculty. A number of the computer camps are hosted on university campuses but attended by middle and high school girls.

“This is the best and most direct way to provide equal participation, an open door. It’s one of those things where, if you build it, they’ll come,” Catanzano said. “If you don’t provide opportunities at a younger age for girls because you’re relying on some stereotype, and then you complain they don’t perform as well when we assess them in middle school, high school and college, you’re kind-of cooking the books to start with.”

Race-based affirmative action likewise faced legal challenges and advocates were able to maintain the policy by reframing it as a way of fostering diversity and inclusivity, rather than a system of institutionalizing racial preferences.

Exactly how many of these single-sex programs exist is anybody’s guess, but it could well be in the thousands. A number of the Title IX complaints allege that universities offer dozens of such programs, and some institutions have 50 or more.

“It’s just a stunning inequity of these scholarships,” said E. Everett Bartlett, president of SAVE, which stands for Stop Abusive and Violent Environments. To date, the Rockville, Md.-based organization has filed 164 Title IX complaints since 2019 that have resulted in more than 100 federal investigations.

“People are being harmed,” Bartlett said. “Every student is trying to pay for college tuition without going into debt. And you’re saying to a large portion of the student body: You don’t qualify so there’s no need for you to apply.”

The SAVE Title IX Equity Project complaints focus on single-sex scholarships that benefit women, but as part of its efforts, the organization has filed complaints against several universities’ male-only scholarships, too. SAVE has challenged eight scholarships at the College of Charleston, in South Carolina, that it says are for minority men or with a preference given to minority males.

In March, SAVE issued an analysis of 319 universities in all 50 states that found that at 85 institutions female scholarships outnumbered male scholarships by 10 or more.

Perry said hundreds of K-12 school districts could be violating Title IX, based on the fact that the nonprofit Girls Who Code organization’s web site states that it operates 8,500 programs worldwide. The organization says in its annual report it has served more than 90,000 girls in all 50 states in this country, and its signature program is open to girls from the third through 12th grade. Girls Who Code programs are hosted in public schools and at universities.

“Universities are for the first time being challenged for violating Title IX by offering single sex programs/scholarships, as they continue to live in the past, as if we’re still in the 1960s or 1970s, by pretending that women are handicapped and disadvantaged,” Perry said in an email. “Now that those programs and scholarships are being challenged for the first time, universities have a 100% record of losing.”

A Department of Education spokeswoman who provided information on the condition of anonymity explained by email that the department’s Title IX regulations do not permit the creation of academic programs or financial assistance to members of only one sex.

But there are exceptions, such as cases where “the same opportunities are available for members of the excluded sex.”

For example, university donors can use a will or trust to set up a scholarship that’s restricted by gender “so long as the overall effect of the award does not discriminate on the basis of sex.”

Title IX allows for single-sex private universities, like women’s colleges, and facilities, such as residence halls.

Still, for women’s rights advocates, the flurry of Title IX complaints and the favorable reception at the Department of Education signifies a dangerous trend that threatens to undo years of gains women have made in academe.

Pasquerella said women face “persistent structural barriers,” particularly in STEM fields like engineering and computer programming, where they still represent about 1 in 5 undergraduate degrees.

“There are not just subtle but overt pressures for women not to participate,” Pasquerella said. “Women and girls don’t have a sense of belonging in STEM. One way to address that is by creating communities where people can come together and say, ‘Yes I do deserve a place in STEM disciplines in the academy in other areas where women have been traditionally marginalized or excluded.’”

Feminists don’t agree on every point regarding gender disparities. Pasquerella, for example, is not troubled by the lopsided overrepresentation of women in nursing, she said, because there is no evidence men face stigma or discrimination in that field.

Erin Buzuvis, a professor at the Western New England University School of Law and a Title IX expert, said that “occupational segregation” in nursing and other fields where women predominate is a social problem and should be corrected.

“As long as you agree that the environment is shaping our choices, then why would we pick something less than equal as our goal?” she said.

Adriana Kugler, a professor of Public Policy and Economics at Georgetown University who dismissed Perry as misinformed and driven by an agenda, has found that discrimination is difficult to isolate as the decisive factor for low female degrees and jobs in STEM fields, but said implicit bias and stereotyping are real problems. A paper she co-authored for publication this year — “Choice of Majors: Are Women Really Different From Men?” — reports that girls respond to a variety of influences and are more likely than boys to change majors when they get poor grades in STEM classes. Ironically, female-only programs may diminish their interest and confidence.

“The numerous government and other policy initiatives designed to get women interested in STEM fields may have the unintended effect of signaling to women an inherent lack of fit,” the paper states.

Invoking discrimination as a defense of single-sex initiatives is no longer the slam-dunk argument it once was, some say. Brett Sokolow, president of ATIXA, the Association of Title IX Administrators, said that Title IX has historically allowed for affirmative action exceptions, but they are increasingly harder to justify.

“Mark’s primary thesis is the historical justification for single sex programs doesn’t exist anymore,” Sokolow said. “I think that basic premise is basically true for most schools and most programs.”

In cases where it’s not true, Sokolow said, many universities are ill-equipped to mount a defense.

“They’re not making the effort to. They’re just assuming that there’s a historical exclusion,” he said. “For most of these schools, they aren’t going to jump through those hoops of doing all that data collection and assessment to save one program.”

Still, some institutions are fighting back. A common defense is that programs advertised as female-only don’t exclude men.

The Ohio State University made that argument to the Office for Civil Rights in January in response to a complaint by Perry.

“When the College states that ‘We serve all female students,’ it is not to the exclusion of men, but to be inclusive of all females including minoritized women – women of color, LGBTQ women, and women who are first generation,” OSU said in a letter to the OCR. “The intent is to address the historical and current marginalized and underrepresented groups in engineering as well as foster the success of students anywhere on the gender spectrum.”

Ohio State University agreed to open seven women’s programs to “all genders and gender identities.” It said it is reviewing one female-specific program to see if it needs to be changed or if it can be kept as is, said OSU’s letter written by Title IX Coordinator Kellie Brennan.

Perry said such responses are disingenuous because men are not likely to apply to a program designated for women.

University of California, Berkeley, spokeswoman Janet Gilmore said its Girls in Engineering summer camp for sixth, seventh and eighth grade students “is open to all genders.”

The university has since clarified the program’s web site and handouts to explicitly state that openness, in response to Perry’s complaint, Gilmore said. But Berkeley is proposing to the Office for Civil Rights to allow the College of Engineering not to change the name of the program “because doing so would likely result in a disproportionately low number of girls in the program.”

Gilmore said she did not know how many boys were among the roughly 350 students who have attended the camp the last three summers because UC Berkeley doesn’t track the gender of participants as part of its effort to “to avoid making any gender assumptions based on how someone presents themselves.”

At the University of Michigan, Perry is challenging 53 different programs and scholarships. Many are designed to address STEM enrollment disparities, but not all. Among the Michigan programs Perry is challenging: the Michigan Business Women BBA and MBA Programs at the Ross School of Business; the Center for the Education of Women Scholarship Program; three Sarah Goddard Power awards for “recognizing the status of women within the University of Michigan”; and the Commission for Women at the Dearborn campus that works on “providing an advocacy role in issues of concern to women employees of the campus” and “promoting women’s professional opportunities and toward providing opportunities for women’s personal growth.”

In his Title IX complaint, Perry said such programs suggest totalitarian impulses.

“This effect is akin to a German campus rejecting Jewish applicants in excess of the maximum quota or state-sanctioned hate speech against non-Muslims in Saudi Arabia or an Asian-majority firm discriminating against a white employee or indeed, the ‘separate but equal’ doctrine struck down in Brown v. the Board of Education.”

Michigan State University abolished its women-only lounge in 2016 — to comply with Title IX, it says. The move was unpopular on campus, and MSU still maintains gender-exclusive programs, including “ladies only” firearms and archery instruction.
Perry filed the Title IX complaint in 2018 and OCR opened an investigation in January 2019, nearly a year and a half ago, as the University of Michigan continues negotiating. A UM spokesman said the university doesn’t comment on pending litigation.

Perry said he became interested in disparities against males during the Great Recession when he noticed that men were disproportionately affected by the economic downturn. Men tended to work in hard-hit industries like construction, manufacturing and finance, whereas women were shielded from the worst effects because they were concentrated in fields like education and public health.

He filed his first Title IX challenge in 2016 over the women-only lounge at Michigan State University after he read about it in a college newspaper. He complained to MSU’s Title IX officer and the Michigan Department of Civil Rights. Then he leaked the story to journalists and it got picked up by the Washington Post. That summer the university renovated the lounge, which dated back to the 1920s, and reopened it for all genders that fall.

MSU spokesman Dan Olsen said by email that the lounge was converted to a study area to comply with Title IX, but not in response to anyone’s complaint.

The change was not popular on campus among students who organized to restore the lounge to its former status, Perry recalled.

“They went ballistic. There were sit-ins, protests,” he said. “That generated tons of hate mail.”

Source: https://www.realclearinvestigations.com/articles/2020/05/06/a_building_backlash_to_women-only_preferences_123481.html

Categories
Campus Title IX

Ed Dept. wants students accused of sexual misconduct to have rights Joe Biden wants for himself

In the wake of Tara Reade’s allegation that former Vice President Joe Biden sexually assaulted her when he was a senator in 1993 – an allegation that Biden strongly denies – he and his supporters have finally got it right when it comes to assessing claims of sexual assault.

Significantly, the position Biden now holds is based on the same philosophy behind the U.S. Education Department regulations released Wednesday that will govern how institutions of higher education and K-12 schools handle students’ accusations of sexual misconduct.

Biden and his backers now say that when a sexual misconduct allegation is made, the accuser needs to be heard and respected. But importantly, the accuser’s claims need to be subject to rigorous investigation free of any presumption of guilt. After all, our entire justice system is based on the principle that anyone accused of a crime is presumed innocent until proven guilty.

The purpose of the new Education Department rules – issued under the authority of the federal anti-discrimination statute known as Title IX – is to ensure that “every survivor of sexual violence must be taken seriously, and every student accused of sexual misconduct must know that guilt is not predetermined,” Education Secretary Betsy DeVos said.

In order to ensure that guilt is not predetermined, the rules guarantee due process for accused students – something that was sorely lacking under the Obama administration’s 2011 guidance on the same topic.

The new due process requirements for universities include: the presumption of innocence; written notice of the allegations; an opportunity for the accuser and accused to review the evidence; a live hearing; an impartial decision-maker; and the right of the accused and accuser to each be represented by an adviser who can cross-examine and challenge evidence, subject to the typical “rape shield” exceptions.

The accuser is also protected from having to come face-to-face with the accused during the hearing and is not required to divulge any medical or psychological records. Schools are required to respond promptly to all reports of sexual misconduct and to investigate all complaints filed.

 

The new rules also increase transparency. Colleges are required to disclose the materials used to train their Title IX staff. Transcripts or recordings of hearings must be kept and made available to the parties. And the parties cannot be prohibited from speaking about the allegations.

Compare that to the Obama administration guidance. The guidance came in a “Dear Colleague letter” that did not go through the notice and comment process required for regulations and was withdrawn in 2017. The letter encouraged schools to deny due process protections to accused students – even when they faced expulsion – and mandated the lowest possible standard of proof for conviction.

As a result, accused students were commonly denied the presumption of innocence and even access to evidence favorable to their defense, as well as the details of the charges against them.

The 2011 letter was inspired by the same “women need to be believed” mantra that we’ve been hearing from Democrats and their allies until very recently. The most notable example came when Christine Blasey Ford alleged now-Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh had sexually assaulted her when both were teenagers. Exactly like Biden, Kavanaugh vehemently denied the allegation against him.

Biden’s take on Ford was typical of comments Democrats made during Kavanaugh’s Senate confirmation hearing for a seat on the Supreme Court: “You’ve got to start off with the presumption that at least the essence of what she’s talking about is real, whether or not she forgets facts,” Biden said.

Hence, it’s not surprising that Democrats liked the Obama guidance, despite their traditional support for due process (even for illegal immigrants), and attacked Secretary DeVos’ proposal for new rules in November 2018.

One of the critics of the proposed new rules was Joe Biden, who championed the 2011 guidance as vice president. This is an interesting stance for someone whose inappropriate touching could easily lead to a Title IX hearing if he were a student.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., joined in the criticism, characterizing the proposed Education Department rules and their due process guarantees as “utter contempt for survivor justice.”

Actress and #MeToo activist Alyssa Milano called the proposed regulations “Betsy’s s—– gift.”

Yet those same Democrats and their countless like-minded colleagues are now calling for due process for Joe Biden, the presumptive Democratic nominee for president in the November election.

Addressing the allegation against Biden, Pelosi paid lip service to “the idea that women will be heard and be listened to,” but added that “there’s also due process.”

Milano responded to the allegation with a sudden realization, saying: “So we have to find this balance in the ‘believe women movement’ and also giving men their due process. And, you know, realizing that we’re destroying lives, if we publicly don’t go through the right steps in order to find out if an accusation is credible or not.”

Even Biden was not afraid of looking like a hypocrite. Asked about the allegation against him on MSNBC, he qualified “believing the woman” by adding “then it’s vetted, looked into.”

Given this change of heart in recent weeks, Democrats and their allies might have rethought their opposition to the new Title IX rules. But the early indications, following Wednesday’s release of the finalized regulations, indicate otherwise.

Biden immediately denounced the rules, saying they would “strip survivors of their rights,” and vowed to reverse them. Similarly, Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., said “this rule is not about ‘restoring balance,’ this is about silencing survivors.”

You’d think that Joe Biden would finally understand that only a fair adjudication process can determine which party in an alleged sexual assault is the true survivor of an injustice.

Instead, Biden, Murray and their colleagues continue to mischaracterize due process, the linchpin of American justice, as “silencing” the accuser – at least when the person who is accused is not a prominent Democrat.

Joe Biden wants the presumption of innocence when he is accused of sexual assault, but doesn’t want students accused of sexual misconduct to get the same right.

Source: https://www.foxnews.com/opinion/curt-levey-ed-dept-wants-students-accused-of-sexual-misconduct-to-have-rights-joe-biden-wants-for-himself

Categories
Title IX

When Rules Don’t Apply

Joe Biden wants to deny accused college students the procedural protections that he demands for himself.

May 8, 2020

Politics and law

Normally, it would be unremarkable to hear the opposition party’s presumptive presidential nominee criticize a major policy initiative of the incumbent administration. But Joe Biden’s public repudiation of Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos’s new Title IX regulations was not a normal circumstance. After several days in which Biden and key Democratic allies celebrated the importance of due process in evaluating sexual-assault allegations, Biden denounced DeVos’s own efforts to ensure that accused college students receive fair procedures. Even in an era of heightened political cynicism, the apparent hypocrisy was striking.

At one level, Biden’s reaction was understandable, since the new regulations undid an Obama-era initiative in which Biden was the key player. Convinced that male students typically stood by as they saw “a brother taking a drunk freshman coed up the stairs to his room,” Biden oversaw a multiyear effort to use Title IX tribunals to “change the culture” on campus. Due process, the rights of the accused, or the possibility of false allegations appeared in no public speeches that he gave on the topic; indeed, the concepts were obstacles to his goal. Too many not-guilty findings wouldn’t produce the needed change.

Then came the allegation by former Biden staffer Tara Reade, who charges that her former boss sexually assaulted her 27 years ago. Reade’s claim has many weaknesses, but it’s nevertheless weighty enough, as Andrew Sullivan and Robby Soave have observed, to yield a guilty finding from a Title IX tribunal under the procedures and standards of evidence that Biden championed. Biden has now urged the public to evaluate Reade’s allegations under traditional rules, respecting the presumption of his innocence. Reade, Biden maintains, should face rigorous questioning rather than enjoying the benefit of the reflexive belief that he had offered to campus accusers.

Prominent Democrats have gone even further. California senator Dianne Feinstein portrayed Reade’s long delay in going public with her charges as a sign of her unreliability—a not-unreasonable response, but a sharp contrast with how campus cases were adjudicated under the Obama-Biden rules, where counterintuitive behavior by accusers was regarded as a further sign of truthfulness. American Federation of Teachers president Randi Weingarten articulated the party’s new standard: Democrats “always want to make sure that a woman is respected. But you also want to make sure that people have due process.” Again, a wholly reasonable sentiment, but one that prominent Democrats previously had not applied to previous sexual-assault claims.

Subjected to what he claims is a false allegation, Biden might have used the DeVos regulations to acknowledge that college students—who can’t count on powerful senators or key educational union heads backing them—deserve the same opportunity to defend their innocence that he is getting. The new regulations, requiring colleges to provide both the accused and the accusing students with all the evidence compiled in an investigation and then to hold a hearing in which advocates for both students can cross-examine witnesses, hardly encompass a radical vision of due process.

Biden, however, could not rise to the occasion. Instead, he wildly claimed that the regulations would “shame and silence” campus complainants and “strip survivors of their rights”—as if Title IX, an equity statute, gives accusers the right to convene a kangaroo court to adjudicate their allegations. He promised to restore the Obama-era policies that created the due-process crisis on the nation’s campuses—even though implementing those procedures in 2021 would require at least some colleges to ignore Appeals Court holdings from lawsuits filed by accused students.

Two other sections of Biden’s statement amplify his hypocrisy. The DeVos regulations require investigation of allegations of quid pro quo harassment by staff or faculty, as well as of rape, sexual assault, stalking, domestic violence, and dating violence. They also require investigation of claims of sexual harassment as defined by the Supreme Court’s most important Title IX case, Davis v. Monroe County Board of Education. Biden, however, apparently sees a Title IX process focused on such serious offenses as a negative, allowing colleges “to choose to investigate only more extreme acts of violence and harassment,” ignoring allegations of less extreme offenses. This is an odd line of argument for someone who has admitted to making women uncomfortable by touching them in public, albeit without ill intent. Surely Biden would not support harsh punishment for a college student who engaged in behavior identical to his?

Biden also has promised to put the regulations “to a quick end in January 2021, because as President, I’ll be right where I always have been throughout my career—on the side of survivors.” A president ignoring properly adopted regulations is something for which Democrats appropriately criticized the Trump administration in 2017.

If Biden is oblivious to the absurdity of his demanding procedural protections that he intends to deny to college students facing similar allegations, other Democrats seem more self-aware. None has endorsed the DeVos regulations, but in sharp contrast with 2018, when the education secretary released a preliminary version of the new campus rules, only a few congressional Democrats have publicly criticized her work this time around. A tweet thread from Washington senator Patty Murray and statements from House leaders Nancy Pelosi and Steny Hoyer contained heated rhetoric but failed to specify even one provision of the regulations that they opposed.

Before the presidential campaign gets into full swing, perhaps a reporter could ask Biden to reconcile his response to Reade with his attack on the due-process protections in DeVos’s regulations. How can a college student facing a false allegation defend himself effectively under the Title IX procedures that Biden would reimpose on the nation’s campuses? And how would Biden defend himself against Tara Reade’s allegations, if he were held to those same standards?