Categories
Domestic Violence

Women Who Think Hitting Their Husband is Funny

WOMEN WHO THINK HITTING THEIR HUSBAND IS FUNNY

Coalition to End Domestic Violence

April 24, 2021

One of the common refrains from domestic violence activists is, “There’s no excuse for domestic violence.” But apparently some persons haven’t taken this message to heart.

Speaking of her husband, singer Amy Winehouse once bragged, “I’ll beat up Blake when I’m drunk … If he says one thing I don’t like then I’ll chin him.[i] Other women were equally amused their violent tendencies:[ii]

  • “I bounced an alarm clock off my husband’s head from across the room once.”
  • “I’ve had many satisfying dreams where I beat up my ex. If I saw him again, I don’t think I’d be able to restrain myself.”
  • “Yeah, I’ve punched the sh*t out of a guy. But I don’t like to brag.”

Ann Silvers, a counselor and author of the book, “Abuse of Men By Women,” highlights this continuing problem in a recent YouTube video about “Women’s Violence in Media.” Silver admits, “I’m really frustrated by the amount of times we see that depicted…It’s emboldened, it’s applauded, it’s laughed at.” Silvers gives several examples:

  1. Romantic comedies such as Fool’s Gold
  2. Commercials, such as a woman throwing a can of soda at the man
  3. In the movie Frozen, in which the girl violently hits the guy

Silvers reveals that in her own counseling practice, she continues to see abusive women: “They’ll come in and a couple will tell me a story about her hitting him. And I’ll look at them both and say, ‘You know, that’s not OK.’ And at times I’ve gotten this look from women, ‘That was OK, I get to do that!'”

“If we’re going to justify somebody hitting somebody else, that’s exactly what’s wrong in partner abuse,” Silvers concludes.

Links:

[i] Amy Winehouse beats up her husband when she’s drunk. Starpulse News Blog. June 12, 2007. http://www.starpulse.com/news/index.php/2007/06/12/amy_winehouse_beats_up_her_husband_when_

[ii] Roberts C. Women who batter, proudly. Ifeminists.net October 5, 2007. http://www.ifeminists.net/e107_plugins/content/content.php?content.233

Categories
Violence Against Women Act

VAWA Reauthorization Must Stop Overly Aggressive Policing in Black Communities

VAWA Reauthorization Must Stop Overly Aggressive Policing in Black Communities

Coalition to End Domestic Violence

April 23, 2021

The “criminalization of social problems has led to mass incarceration of men, especially young men of color” Ms. Foundation for Women[i]

Domestic violence is an important problem in the African-American community. According to the Centers for Disease Control, each year Black men are more likely than Black women to be victims of sexual violence, physical violence, and/or stalking:[ii]

  • 48 million Black men (Table 5.6)
  • 38 million Black women (Table 5.3)

Analyses show programs funded under the Violence Against Women Act have not helped women,[iii] are often ineffective,[iv] rely on biased arrest policies,[v] disregard due process,[vi] and weaken the family.[vii]

These problems are especially pronounced in the African-American community:

  • One study found that protection order statutes were associated with an increase in the number of black women killed by their unmarried partners.[viii]
  • Columbia University law professor Kimberle Crenshaw has noted that many women of color are reluctant to seek intervention from the police, fearing that contact with law enforcement will only worsen the system’s assault on their lives.[ix]
  • According to the FBI, African-Americans – mostly men — are disproportionately affected by mandatory-arrest policies. Blacks represent 23% of all spouses and 35% of all boyfriends or girlfriends arrested for partner aggression.[x]
  • A Harvard University study of mandatory arrest policies found that mandatory arrest laws brought about a 54% increase in intimate partner homicides.[xi]
  • Attorney Aya Gruber wrote, “Day after day, prosecutors proceeded with cases against the wishes of victims, resulting in the mass incarceration of young black men.”[xii]

According to the Congressional Black Caucus, African-American men are incarcerated at more than six times the rate of White men, partly as a result of “overly aggressive policing.”[xiii]  The over-reliance on law enforcement and criminal justice interventions has sent millions of Black men to jail, escalated partner conflict, and broken up families.

The upcoming reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act needs to end this travesty.

Links:

[i] Ms. Foundation for Women. Safety and justice for all. New York, 2003, p. 17.

[ii] https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/pdf/NISVS-StateReportBook.pdf

[iii] CEDV. Domestic Violence Programs Are Shortchanging Women. 2021.  http://endtodv.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Shortchanging-Women.pdf

[iv] CEDV. How effective are domestic violence programs stopping partner abuse? 2021. http://endtodv.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/How-Effective-are-DV-Programs.pdf

[v] CEDV: Justice denied: Arrest policies for domestic violence. 2021. http://endtodv.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Arrest-Policies.pdf

[vi] CEDV: Without restraint: The use and abuse of domestic restraining orders. 2021. http://endtodv.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Restraining-Orders.pdf

[vii] CEDV: How VAWA harms families and children. 2021. http://endtodv.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/False-Allegations-Harm-Families.pdf

[viii] Dugan L, Nagin D, and Rosenfeld R. Exposure reduction or backlash? The effects of domestic violence resources on intimate partner homicide. NCJ Number 186194, 2001.

[ix] Crenshaw K. Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color. Stanford Law Review Vol. 43, 1991. p. 1257.

[x] Durose MR: Family violence statistics. Washington, DC: Federal Bureau of Investigation, June 2005. NCJ 207846. Table 5.9. https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/fvs.pdf

[xi] Iyengar R. Does the certainty of arrest reduce domestic violence? Evidence from mandatory and recommended arrest laws. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, June 2007.

[xii] Gruber A. The feminist war on crime. Iowa Law Review Vol. 92, p. 941. 2007.

[xiii] https://cbc.house.gov/issues/issue/?IssueID=14891

Categories
Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Special Report Title IX

PR: Appellate Court Decisions Reveal Widespread Due Process Deficiencies

PRESS RELEASE

Contact: Rebecca Stewart

Telephone: 513-479-3335

Email: info@saveservices.org

Appellate Court Decisions Reveal Widespread Due Process Deficiencies. Oberlin, Purdue, and USC the Most Egregious Cases.

WASHINGTON / April 22, 2021 – A new report summarizes 23 appellate court decisions of college procedures for handling allegations of sexual misconduct. Titled, “Appellate Court Decisions for Allegations of Campus Due Process Violations, 2013-2020,” the SAVE report summarizes the 23 court rulings, which document major deficiencies in the procedures that colleges and universities utilize to investigate and adjudicate allegations of sexual misconduct.

One or more of the appellate rulings apply to all colleges, public and private, in the following 31 states: AR, CA, CT, DE, IA, ID, IL, IN, KY, LA, MA, ME, MO, NJ, NY, OH, OR, MA, ME, MN, MT, ND, NE, NV, PA, RI, SD, TN, VT, WA, and WI. The report notes that 67% of all U.S. colleges are located in these states.

The most egregious cases involved the following three institutions:

  1. Oberlin College, which advertised on its website that it had a 100% conviction rate.
  2. Purdue University, where two hearing board members admitted to not reading the investigative report, but still voted to expel the accused student.
  3. University of Southern California, which relied on a “judge, jury, and executioner” single-investigator model.

From a legal perspective, the most important ruling was the Doe v. Purdue University case, which made future allegations of sex discrimination easier to prove. The Seventh Circuit Court ruled that a student only needed to “raise a plausible inference that the university discriminated against [him] ‘on the basis of sex.’” (1)

Overall, the decisions enumerate a broad range of protections that are due on college campuses regarding adequate notice of the allegations, impartial and accurate investigations, disclosure of evidence to the accused, cross-examination, fair hearings, lack of conflict of interest among college officials, proper use of testimony, and institutional compliance with its own policies.

Seven public opinion polls have been conducted in recent years, all documenting that a strong majority of Americans support due process on campus (2). Recent editorials and statements by liberal and conservative voices reveal continued support for campus fairness (3).

SAVE urges college officials to become fully acquainted with the appellate decisions, and continue to fully implement the new Title IX regulation, which upholds rights and protections for both complainants and the accused. The new SAVE report is available online (4).

Links:

  1. http://media.ca7.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/rssExec.pl?Submit=Display&Path=Y2019/D06-28/C:17-3565:J:Barrett:aut:T:fnOp:N:2362429:S:0
  2. https://www.saveservices.org/sexual-assault/opinion-polls/
  3. https://www.saveservices.org/title-ix-regulation/
  4. https://www.saveservices.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Appellate-Court-Cases-2013-2020.pdf

SAVE is leading the national policy movement for fairness and due process on campus: www.saveservices.org

Categories
Violence Against Women Act

If We Want to End Mass Incarceration, We Need to Stop Unconstitutional Mandatory Arrest Policies

If We Want to End Mass Incarceration, We Need to Stop Unconstitutional Mandatory Arrest Policies

Coalition to End Domestic Violence

April 21, 2021

The United States has the highest incarceration rate of any country in the world. Higher than Russia, South Africa, or anywhere else.

Mass incarceration hurts all of us: The persons who are arrested for minor or trivial offenses. The family members who lose, usually, a brother, a husband, or a father. The taxpayers who pay $50,000 per prisoner per year. And more.[1]

An arrest triggers the workings of the entire criminal legal system: Investigations, prosecutions, incarceration, and more.

Part of the cause of mass incarceration can be traced back to provisions in the Violence Against Women Act. The original law required VAWA grantees:

“To implement mandatory arrest or pro-arrest programs and policies in police departments, including mandatory arrest programs and policies for protection order violations.”

This provision obviously violates the Fourth Amendment, which requires “probable cause” before police can make any “seizures.”

Nonetheless, police departments across the nation instituted mandatory arrest policies. These policies have given rise to two serious problems:

  1. Women now commit the majority of domestic violence incidents each year, according to the CDC.[2] But most arrestees are male,[3] reflecting a troubling sex bias.
  2. Mandatory arrest has been shown to cause an increase in subsequent homicides. A Harvard University study concluded, “Intimate partner homicides increased by about 60% in states with mandatory arrest laws…Mandatory arrest laws are responsible for an additional 0.8 murders per 100,000 people.”[4]

Mandatory arrest policies have had a devastating effect on Black communities. The Ms. Foundation for Women decries how the “Criminalization of social problems has led to mass incarceration of men, especially young men of color, decimating marginalized communities.”

Given these compelling facts, one would have expected the House VAWA bill, H.R. 1620, to have addressed these concerns. But it didn’t. In fact, H.R. 1620 actually states we need to “encourage arrests of offenders,” ignoring the fact that a police officer often is unable to determine which party is the true “offender” (Sec. 102).

So if a woman slaps her boyfriend, and he shoves her back, who in their right mind believes both of them should be arrested?

The Coalition to End Domestic Violence calls on Senators to assure the upcoming VAWA bills take proactive steps to remove the harmful mandatory arrest policies that are still on the books across the nation. That will be good start to end our nation’s epidemic of mass incarceration.

Links:

[1] https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/conviction-imprisonment-and-lost-earnings-how-involvement-criminal?ms=gad_prisons%20in%20america_465051828443_8626214133_111612472200&gclid=EAIaIQobChMIzoiouOiP8AIVYsqzCh0jjwR6EAAYASAAEgL0f_D_BwE

[2] https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/pdf/2015data-brief508.pdf Tables 9 and 11.

[3] https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/prdv0615.pdf

[4]https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w13186/w13186.pdf

 

Categories
Campus Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

Doe v. Purchase College: OCR Review of Title IX Regulation Needs to Stop ‘Victim-Centered’ Abuses

Doe v. Purchase College: OCR Review of Title IX Regulation Needs to Stop ‘Victim-Centered’ Abuses

April 21, 2021

“Victim-centered” philosophy has become widely utilized by campus adjudication panels across the country (1).  “Victim-centered” ideology presumes that the accuser is always telling the truth, and any inconsistencies in his or her testimony are taken as actual proof of the putative traumatization. Of course, this assumption precludes the possibility that her memory was affected by excessive alcohol intake, or that she may be recounting a well-embellished falsehood.

Recently the New York Supreme Court ruled on a case in which a female student from the State University of New York – Purchase claimed she was a victim of PTSD, which she said precluded her from giving consent to sexual intercourse.

According to a recent commentary, the New York State affirmative consent policy states students “must obtain consent at every escalation of sexual activity through words or actions. In practice, schools have punished students after accusers claim they didn’t give constant consent, like a continuous question-and-answer session. As I have previously reported, there simply is no way for an accused student to prove they obtained affirmative consent under current, draconian policies.” (2)

According to Doe, he and a female Purchase College — State University of New York student were watching a movie one evening with some other students at Doe’s dorm suite. When Doe decided to attend another party, the woman asked, and was permitted to stay at the dorm suite with the other students.

When Doe later returned to the dormitory, the female asked another student to leave so the two students could be alone. She then asked Doe if she could stay the night and requested a pair of Doe’s pajamas to change into. The woman then got into Doe’s bed. The two students began to kiss, and the woman assisted Doe in removing her pajama bottoms. After some initial sexual activity, Complainant took the initiative to request Doe to use a condom. The encounter then progressed to sexual intercourse.

The following day, Doe attempted to contact the female student in a friendly, everyday manner. Three days later she reported the encounter as a sexual assault. A Title IX investigation concluded with Doe being charged with a violation of the Student Code of Conduct, which prohibits any sexual act without consent or sexual intercourse with someone considered to be physically helpless.

The school Hearing Board determined that statements by the woman (now the “Complainant”) about giving consent were conflicting and unreliable. The Board stated it was “concerned that some of [Complainant’s] statements after her initial report were tainted by reading the supports of other witnesses and parties.” This assessment was largely due to the woman’s accounts changing from what she said to the University Police and Title IX Investigator, compared to how she testified during the hearing.

For example, the Complainant told the Police that she was not fearful of Doe.  But the woman later told the Hearing Board that she did not ask Doe to stop because she was fearful of him. Additionally, the student changed the reasons for her inability to give consent: First it was fear, then incapacitation due to alcohol, finally it was an anxiety attack.

In contrast, Doe testified that the Complainant was of sound mind throughout the interaction and believed there was clear-cut consent, based on her actions. Nevertheless, the Hearing Board concluded that while the kissing and removal of the Complainant’s pants were consented to, the remainder of the sexual activity was not. The SUNY Purchase’s Appeals Board found that Doe violated the Student Code of Conduct and suspended him for one year.

Doe then filed an Article 78 appeal to ask the New York Supreme Court to review SUNY Purchase’s determination that he violated code C.8 of the SUNY Purchase Student Code of Conduct.

The Court noted that its review of the case was limited to whether SUNY Purchase’s decision was based on substantial evidence. Substantial evidence is relevant proof that would lead a reasonable mind may accept as adequate to support a conclusion or ultimate fact.

The Court cited Education Law § 6441(1), which states that “consent can be given by words or actions, as long as those words or actions create clear permission regarding willingness to engage in the sexual activity.” The Court noted that the college Hearing Board had reported Complainant’s testimony lacked credibility. The Court concluded that the SUNY Purchase’s decision to punish Doe “was not supported by substantial evidence,” and that the alleged absence of consent amounted to mere conjecture and speculation.

On March 31, 2021 the Court issued a ruling that annulled SUNY Purchase’s decision and dismissed the charge that Doe violated the Student Code of Conduct. Additionally, the Court vacated all penalties against Doe and ordered the expungement of any references to such findings from his academic record (3).

Kimberly Lau (4), counsel to the accused student, explained, “John Doe was found responsible of sexual assault despite the Hearing Board’s determination that the complainant’s testimony on consent was ‘unreliable and conflicting.’ SUNY Purchase’s disciplinary decision was illogical and in violation of NY State law and its own policies on consent. I’m pleased the Court unanimously agreed.”

OCR Review

Ironically, just three weeks before the Court issued its ruling, President Joe Biden issued an Executive Order calling for the Department of Education to consider “suspending, revising, or rescinding” the newly implemented Title IX regulation (5).

The Biden Order is relevant to the New York case because the new regulation requires that complainants and respondents be treated “equitably,” which means “impartial investigations and adjudications,” including “an objective evaluation of all relevant evidence,” according to the language of the regulation (6).

Clearly, the SUNY Purchase adjudication process was not impartial, objective, or equitable.

So as the Office for Civil Rights moves forward with its review of the Title IX regulation, the Office needs to pay attention to the findings of the New York Supreme Court. Specifically, the OCR needs to consider revising the existing regulation to discourage colleges’ reliance on biased “victim-centered” methods, and improve the specificity of its requirements for impartial, objective, and equitable adjudications.

Links:

  1. https://www.saveservices.org/sexual-assault/investigations/ 
  2. https://www.dailywire.com/news/university-said-accuser-was-conflicting-and-unreliable-but-still-found-accused-student-guilty-a-court-just-overturned-the-schools-finding?fbclid=IwAR004lJwvFtCT3jEN82daxDcgb7pMS5NSSm9c920BXbrCGxQkCRzmjQihdA 
  3. http://www.nycourts.gov/courts/AD2/Handdowns/2021/Decisions/D66100.pdf 
  4. https://www.collegedisciplinelaw.com/Kimberly-Lau 
  5. https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/03/08/executive-order-on-guaranteeing-an-educational-environment-free-from-discrimination-on-the-basis-of-sex-including-sexual-orientation-or-gender-identity/
  6. Section 106.45 (b)(1).  https://www.saveservices.org/2020/05/new-title-ix-regulatory-text-34-cfr-106/
Categories
Domestic Violence Violence Against Women Act

Ernst Editorial Ignores Most Important Fact in VAWA Debate

4.2 million male victims, 3.5 million female victims:

Ernst Editorial Ignores Most Important Fact in VAWA Debate

Coalition to End Domestic Violence

April 20, 2021

According to the Centers for Disease Control, each year there are 4.2 million male victims of domestic violence, and 3.5 million female victims.[1]

This recent incident illustrates the problem:[2]

On April 3, Elizabeth Grace Johnson attacked her boyfriend, Draven Upchurch, in a dormitory room at Southeastern Louisiana University. The woman stabbed Upchurch eight times in the lungs, stomach, and colon. Johnson was arrested and charged with aggravated battery.

The 4.2 million and 3.5 million numbers should be at the forefront of discussions about the upcoming reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act.

For example, it’s time that we ask, Has the years-long debate been overly focused on female victims, to the detriment of female abusers? And what about male victims of abuse, are they any less deserving of help?

Over the years, senators have emphasized that VAWA services are intended to help both men and women:

  • Joe Biden: “Nothing in the act denies services, programs, funding or assistance to male victims of violence.”[3]
  • Orrin Hatch: “Men who have suffered these types of violent attacks are eligible under current law to apply for services and benefits that are funded under the original Act—and they will remain eligible under the Violence Against Women Act.”[4]

But Sen. Joni Ernst’s recent editorial in USA Today moves the debate in the opposite direction. Titled, “Democrats’ Violence Against Women Act Pressures Women to Negotiate with Abusers,”[5] the article is factually flawed, and is defiant and angry in tone.

Inexplicably, the article whitewashes the existence of male victims. Worse, the article stereotypes men as abusers through its misleading use of pronouns: “Under the Democrats’ bill, the victim would be responsible for publicly stating to her community whether her abuser should face consequences or not.” The article uses inflammatory language about a male “wife-beater,” ignoring the reality of female “husband-beaters.”

Such statements have real-world consequences. The most recent Biennial Report to Congress documents large gender disparities in the provision of victim services, with males representing only a tiny fraction of recipients of VAWA-funded services.[6]

As the VAWA bills come up for consideration, the Coalition to End Domestic Violence urges senators to avoid sexist stereotypes, and to engage in debate that is thoughtful, factual, and acknowledges the needs of men and women alike.

[1]https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/pdf/2015data-brief508.pdf , Tables 9 and 11.

[2] https://nypost.com/2021/04/09/louisiana-college-student-allegedly-stabbed-her-date-in-dorm/

[3]http://www.mediaradar.org/docs/BidenOnGenderNeutralVAWA_HCN_06.02.05.pdf

[4] 146 Cong. Rec. S10,188, S10,193 (2000).

[5]https://www.usatoday.com/story/opinion/voices/2021/04/08/joni-ernst-violence-against-women-act-reauthorization-democrats-column/7124333002/

[6]https://www.justice.gov/ovw/page/file/1292636/download

Categories
False Allegations

Conviction for Threatening Sham Sex Suit Against Singer Upheld

Conviction for Threatening Sham Sex Suit Against Singer Upheld

April 13, 2021

Excerpts:

A man sentenced to 70 months’ imprisonment for threatening to file a frivolous sexual assault lawsuit against a well-known singer failed to overturn his conviction for attempted extortion but may be entitled to a reduced sentence, according to a Ninth Circuit opinion issued Tuesday.

Threats of sham litigation can qualify as wrongful conduct punishable as extortion under the Hobbs Act, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit ruled. Courts weighing these cases should consider the circumstances surrounding such threats to determine whether the defendant used wrongful means or whether he made the threats in order to obtain property to which he knew he had no legal claim, the court said.

The decision by Judge Bridget S. Bade upholds the conviction of Benjamin Koziol for threatening to bring false sexual assault allegations against a “well-known singer-songwriter” left unnamed by the court. Koziol, whose wife was previously hired as a masseuse by the singer’s manager, threatened to bring falsified charges against the singer unless the singer paid him $1 million, the court said.

Bade said Koziol’s conviction for extortion under the Hobbs Act was valid. The prosecution’s evidence “strongly supports the conclusion that Koziol lied in his claims that the entertainer assaulted him and that he knew he had no lawful claim against the entertainer,” she said….

The case is United States v. Koziol , 9th Cir., No. 19-50018, 4/13/21 .

Source: https://news.bloomberglaw.com/us-law-week/conviction-for-threatening-sham-sex-suit-against-singer-upheld

Categories
Campus Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

Tulane U: COVID-19 sidelines sexual misconduct procedures

Tulane U: COVID-19 sidelines sexual misconduct procedures

Lily Mae Lazarus and Sala Thanassi

It is no secret that Tulane Univerity has a systemic sexual violence problem. According to the 2017 Climate Survey, 77% of all student survey respondents report being victims of sexual assault and 71.4% report being subjected to unwanted sexual contact. 75.6% of these perpetrators were Tulane students and 51.8% of the reported instances occurred on campus. This year is no different as “The pandemic did not end sexual violence—or sexual harassment or sexual discrimination—on this campus,” Meredith Smith, Tulane University sexual misconduct response/Title IX coordinator, said. According to the breakdown of student disclosures in the fall of 2020, disclosure rates of sexual misconduct exceeded those from fall 2019 until students were sent home due to COVID-19. These numbers paint a harrowing picture of the failure of Tulane’s conduct system and the inescapable reality of sexual misconduct for students, unchanged since the Climate Survey’s publication and, if anything, overshadowed by COVID-19.

To best understand the priority imbalance between COVID-19 conduct violations and those related to Title IX, an overview of the external legal factors is required. In May of 2020, Title IX statutes around the U.S. changed dramatically. The new regulations redefined what constitutes sexual harassment as “unwelcome conduct on the basis of sex that is so severe, pervasive, and objectively offensive that it effectively denies a person equal access to the recipient’s education program or activity.” Further, the new Title IX issues important changes to the trial process: an individual accused of sexual misconduct has the right to cross-exam their accuser, and universities have the option to use a more difficult standard of proof by requiring “clear and convincing” evidence.

The majority of sexual misconduct reports at Tulane are outside of these newly defined parameters, but the university pledged to treat all sexual misconduct that was previously a violation of Title IX as eligible for an administrative procedure. Tulane also does not opt to use a stricter standard of proof in formal administrative hearings. Instead, to be found in violation of the Tulane University Code of Student Conduct, there must be a preponderance of evidence, or, in layman’s terms, that it is more likely than not a violation occurred.

Regardless of changing statutes, the sexual misconduct epidemic at Tulane has not disappeared and was rather pushed into the shadows and out of the mind of the administration. Since Tulanians’ return to campus this fall, the university has promptly investigated and prosecuted violators of the university’s COVID-19 guidelines. From expulsions, suspensions, fines and administrative threats, Tulane spares no expense regarding the consequences of public health rule flouting.

When it comes to COVID-19 related offenses, a picture of maskless students standing in a group, sent to the conduct office anonymously without context, is taken at face value and serves as sufficient grounds for swift administrative action. In instances of Title IX violations, all parties are subject to an inefficient and traumatizing investigation and trial that, if anything, dissuades future victims from coming forward and allows perpetrators to remain unscathed. The discrepancy in investigation times illustrate a startling reality in which formal conduct investigations, despite being labeled as equally pressing, are not treated with equal importance.

The lack of administrative ferocity surrounding instances of sexual misconduct prior to COVID-19 demonstrates a pattern. According to the Climate Survey, 84% of both male and female respondents claimed Tulane did or would actively support them with formal or informal resources if they reported sexual misconduct. Despite this figure, in 2017, there were only 205 reported cases at Tulane of sexual misconduct and, of that group, only 16 had disciplinary proceedings, and only 8 resulted in disciplinary action. This trend still exists, and few reports of sexual misconduct proceed to formal conduct hearings. Although the Office of University Sexual Misconduct Response and Title IX Administration supports victims to the best of their abilities, the formal conduct system fails them at their weakest hour. This is unacceptable.

This conundrum is not unique to Tulane. In September 2020, New York University’s newspaper published an article regarding the deprioritization of Title IX during COVID-19. Similar to circumstances at Tulane, NYU suspended multiple students for violating COVID-19 guidelines and sent numerous reminders to students surrounding the administration’s willingness to act immediately and aggressively against those flouting the rules. Yet, according to NYU student Nicole Chiarella, NYU’s administration addresses Title IX with a startling nonchalance amidst a pandemic. “NYU’s continual passivity showcases how without a financial incentive — such as the one provided by reopening campus amid a pandemic — sexual assault will remain as a mere administrative afterthought, subsequently harming survivors … Its persistent disregard for survivors of sexual assault fosters a toxic campus environment that safeguards the accused and ostracizes the very students NYU claims to protect,” Chiarella said.

At Tulane, students’ email inboxes are constantly filled with reminders from the Office of the Vice President of Student Affairs to be respectful citizens and practice proper COVID-19 protocols, yet the administration remains silent on issues of rape, harassment and nonconsensual sexual behavior. How can a university aggressively combat systemic sexual misconduct when victims and non-victims alike lack procedural transparency, a constant influx of information and a feeling of safety when disclosing their experiences? The simple answer is they cannot.

The American Civil Liberties Union estimates that 95% of campus rapes in the U.S. go unreported. One of the primary reasons students do not come forward is a fear that their institution will not believe them. Although, in theory, Tulane mitigates this difficulty by not adopting scrutinous standards of proof, submitting sexual violence victims to lengthy investigation processes, not applied with the same intensity to COVID-19 related offenses, places an undue burden on procedures claiming to be of equal conditions.

The Code of Student Conduct, in addressing Title IX procedures, promises the university will “promptly and equitably respond to all reports of discrimination and harassment in order to eliminate prohibited conduct, prevent its recurrence, and address its effects on an individual or the community.” Similarly, the Office of Student Conduct, tasked with investigating Title IX and all other conduct violations, claims that the university attempts to conclude their investigations within 60 days of an issuance of the notice of investigation, barring special circumstances. With Tulane hyperfocused on tracking down those guilty of crimes against the COVID-19 guidelines, perpetrators of sexual violence have the luxury of time and administrative apathy, as the conduct system pushes all non-pandemic related issues to the side.

Delays in Title IX cases during the COVID-19 pandemic have numerous adverse effects on survivors. Accused perpetrators are able to use a public health crisis to further restrict victims’ rights access to an education or in some cases to see justice served. Prior to the May 2020 Title IX changes, Title IX complaints were required to be handled in a timely manner. Although Tulane promises this, including provisions for special circumstances allows the conduct system to revise the timeline of Title IX cases at their own discretion.

It is illogical to assume the administration was unaware of the possible COVID-19 delays in sexual misconduct procedures. Tulane had ample time to create an action plan, but the administration chose not to prioritize this pervasive issue. Various organizations published information directed at academic institutions upon the onset of the pandemic, including that “for students who are survivors of sexual assault, navigating resources and reporting may be more challenging due to COVID-19,” The Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network, the nation’s largest anti-sexual violence organization, said. Equal Rights Advocates, in an article counseling schools on how to navigate Title IX hearings during the pandemic, urged universities to move forward with investigations and hearing without unreasonable delays because students have a fundamental right to “a prompt and equitable resolution of sexual misconduct claims.” Further, the article explains that delays in these procedures force survivors to remain traumatized and uncertain, preventing them from finding closure and potentially leading to institutional betrayal.

Rates of sexual misconduct at Tulane are substantially higher than the national average and the pervasiveness of Title IX violations on campus severely diminish students’ feeling of safety and community. That being said, if the Office of Student Conduct promises to “foster a safe and healthy community in which academic success can occur” how can they push Title IX issues to the side which effectively deny victims a right to their education? The administration has shown it can act swiftly to punish violators of COVID-19 guidelines, build temporary outdoor classrooms, and enforce mask and testing mandates. Yet, this enthusiasm disappears when it comes down to tackling the pre-existing and well-documented sexual misconduct problem on campus.

To address the administrative difficulties of addressing sexual misconduct, “Let’s start with admitting that the system is hard, even if it works perfectly, and so to dedicate ourselves to unpack each step and possibility in the investigation and adjudication and put as much care and support as we can into a system that is processing so much pain,” Smith said. Tulane cannot continue to treat cases of sexual misconduct with apprehensiveness and lanquidity; it must address these procedures with the same intensity and order as it does with violations of COVID-19 guidelines.

Source: https://tulanehullabaloo.com/56435/views/opinion-covid-19-sidelines-sexual-misconduct-procedures/

Categories
Domestic Violence Violence Against Women Act

Do We Really Want to Turn Every American into a ‘Victim’ of Domestic Violence?

Do We Really Want to Turn Every American into a ‘Victim’ of Domestic Violence?

‘When everything is domestic violence, nothing is.’

Coalition to End Domestic Violence

April 14, 2021

The House bill to reauthorize the Violence Against Women Act, HR 1620, features a sweeping expansion in the definition of domestic violence:

“(8) DOMESTIC VIOLENCE. – The term ‘domestic violence means a pattern of behavior involving the use or attempted use of physical, sexual, verbal, psychological, economic, or technological abuse, or any other coercive behavior committed, enabled, or solicited to gain or maintain power and control over a victim.”

So ask yourself, Has your partner ever:

  1. Given you the “silent treatment”? (Psychological abuse)
  2. Called you a name like “stupid”? (Verbal abuse)
  3. Chided you for over-spending the checking account? (Economic abuse)
  4. Told you to do certain chores around the house, often referred to as a “honey-do” list? (Other coercive behavior)

This expansive definition would turn almost every American into a victim of “domestic violence.” And would define almost every American as a perpetrator of domestic violence, as well.

As University of Maryland law professor Leigh Goodmark warns, “I think actually the prosecutions of women would skyrocket.”

The Coalition to End Domestic Violence warns against the use of such a definition, which would dramatically dilute the services to victims of true violence, worsen the problem of false allegations, and create a basis for nearly endless demands for government services for such “victims.”

The Congressional Research Service has raised doubts about going in this direction, as well. These comments – see below — were focused on HR 1585, which was introduced in the previous session of Congress, and which proposed the same broad definition of domestic violence.

++++++++++++++++++++

DEFINING DOMESTIC VIOLENCE

Congressional Research Service

Lisa N. Sacco, Analyst in Illicit Drugs and Crime Policy

In 2018, the Office on Violence Against Women (OVW) changed the expansive domestic violence (DV) definition that appeared on its website to the more narrow statutory definition used for grant programs. There is some confusion as to the meaning and implication of OVW’s change. In the 116th Congress, legislation has been introduced that would amend the definition used in the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) grant programs—the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2019 (H.R. 1585), if enacted, would amend and expand the definition of DV.

Federal Definitions of DV

The federal government defines DV in different ways and for different purposes. Under criminal statute, 18 U.S.C. §2261 defines a DV offender that falls under federal jurisdiction as:

[a] person who travels in interstate or foreign commerce or enters or leaves Indian country or is present within the special maritime and territorial jurisdiction of the United States with the intent to kill, injure, harass, or intimidate a spouse, intimate partner, or dating partner, and who, in the course of or as a result of such travel or presence, commits or attempts to commit a crime of violence against that spouse, intimate partner, or dating partner.

For VAWA grant purposes, VAWA states:

The term “domestic violence” includes felony or misdemeanor crimes of violence committed by a current or former spouse or intimate partner of the victim, by a person with whom the victim shares a child in common, by a person who is cohabitating with or has cohabitated with the victim as a spouse or intimate partner, by a person similarly situated to a spouse of the victim under the domestic or family violence laws of the jurisdiction receiving grant monies, or by any other person against an adult or youth victim who is protected from that person’s acts under the domestic or family violence laws of the jurisdiction.

OVW administers VAWA grants, and the DV definition on OVW’s website matches the definition Congress established for grants. OVW previously (April 2018 and earlier) posted a more expansive definition that described DV as a “pattern of behavior” and included both economic and emotional abuse. Of note, changes to the OVW website definition have no impact on VAWA grantees. In the 116th Congress, H.R. 1585, if enacted, would amend the statutory definition used for grant programs to resemble the more expansive definition previously published by OVW. This change would impact future VAWA grantees.

Expanded Definition for VAWA Grant Programs under H.R. 1585

H.R. 1585 would define DV as:

a pattern of behavior involving the use or attempted use of physical, sexual, verbal, emotional, economic, or technological abuse or any other coercive behavior committed, enabled, or solicited to gain or maintain power and control over a victim, by a person who—

(A) is a current or former spouse or dating partner of the victim, or other person similarly situated to a spouse of the victim under the family or domestic violence laws of the jurisdiction;

(B) is cohabitating with or has cohabitated with the victim as a spouse or dating partner, or other person similarly situated to a spouse of the victim under the family or domestic violence laws of the jurisdiction;

(C) shares a child in common with the victim;

(D) is an adult family member of, or paid or nonpaid caregiver for, a victim aged 50 or older or an adult victim with disabilities; or

(E) commits acts against a youth or adult victim who is protected from those acts under the family or domestic violence laws of the jurisdiction.

The bill would describe DV as a pattern of abusive behavior, and extend the current definition beyond crimes of violence to include verbal, emotional, economic, and technological abuse (the bill also defines the latter two forms of abuse).

Potential Implications of an Expanded Definition

A more expansive definition of DV would generally expand the number of individuals who are eligible for support from VAWA grantees. A broader definition captures harmful behavior (such as financial abuse) that is not physical in nature but is another form of abuse common in relationships involving domestic violence. Victim advocates support this more inclusive definition.

On the other hand, some argue that a violent act is qualitatively different from other forms of abuse such as economic abuse, and legal definitions should reflect that distinction. In United States v. Castleman, the U.S. Supreme Court held that a misdemeanor offense of having “intentionally or knowingly cause[d] bodily injury to” the mother of the respondent’s child qualified as “a misdemeanor crime of domestic violence.” The opinion of the Court (delivered by Justice Sotomayor) included extensive discussion of defining and distinguishing between acts of physical force. The Court ruled that it must attribute “the common-law meaning of ‘force’ to [18 U.S.C.] §921(a)(33)(A)’s definition of a ‘misdemeanor crime of domestic violence’ as an offense that ‘has, as an element, the use or attempted use of physical force.'” In a concurring opinion, Justice Scalia argued that “[w]hen everything is domestic violence, nothing is.” He further argued that if a DV definition were to include all harmful domestic acts, Congress would “have to come up with a new word … to denote actual domestic violence.”

Further, defining DV as “a pattern of behavior” seemingly excludes isolated DV incidents that do not involve a pattern of behavior. So while the goal may be to be more inclusive, the proposed definition could exclude isolated incidents of domestic violence that do not meet the “pattern of behavior” standard.

Congress may choose to expand the definition of DV for VAWA grants or maintain the current definition. Alternatively, it could separately define terms such as “economic abuse” and “technological abuse” and add them to the eligibility criteria for grant programs. The addition of these terms to grant programs’ purpose areas would achieve some advocates’ desired goal of expanding VAWA support for more victims, not solely those of violent physical acts.

Source: https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IN/IN11085#:~:text=The%20term%20%E2%80%9Cdomestic%20violence%E2%80%9D%20includes,spouse%20or%20intimate%20partner%2C%20by

Categories
Due Process False Allegations

Lt. Gov. Justin Fairfax Joins Other Lawmakers in Calling for Due Process

Lt. Gov. Justin Fairfax Joins Other Lawmakers in Calling for Due Process

SAVE

April 14, 2021

During an April 7 debate at Virginia State University, Lt. Gov. Justin Fairfax made a strongly worded plea for the restoration of due process and the presumption of innocence. Fairfax joins a growing number of lawmakers, newspaper editorial boards, and others who have recently called for due process in American society.

During the debate, Fairfax stated, “In Virginia and in our nation, African-Americans, and particularly African-American men, are presumed to be guilty, are treated inhumanely, are given no due process, and have their lives impacted — and in some cases taken away.” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yVAsQwTyWws

Fairfax highlighted a false allegation that was leveled against him in 2019, for which some persons “immediately assumed my guilt.” Fairfax concluded, “I have a son and daughter. I don’t want my daughter to be assaulted, I don’t want my son to be falsely accused. But this is the real world that we live in.”

Fairfax joins with leaders from both political parties and two newspaper editorial boards who have recently called for the restoration of due process.

On March 23, Sen. Richard Burr of North Carolina and Rep. Virginia Foxx of North Carolina sent a letter calling on the U.S. Department of Education to maintain the recently enacted Title IX rule to “ensure victims receive the protections they deserve and every student’s rights, including due process rights, are protected.” https://republicans-edlabor.house.gov/uploadedfiles/burr_and_foxx_to_cardona_title_ix_3.23.21.pdf

Two days later, former Democratic presidential candidate Michael Bloomberg penned an editorial highlighting how the Obama-era campus policy had shortchanged defendants by failing to “uphold due process.” Bloomberg also noted that “Alleged victims said that schools failed to investigate their claims professionally.” https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2021-03-25/title-ix-biden-should-bring-better-justice-to-u-s-universities

On March 22, the Editorial Board of the Los Angeles Times criticized the Obama-era policy, which “ignored common traditions of due process for the accused,” causing colleges to swing too hard in favoring accusers. https://news.yahoo.com/editorial-betsy-devoss-campus-sex-100019802.html

Then on March 28, the Washington Post Editorial Board weighed in. The editorial highlighted the due process deficiencies with the Dear Colleague Letter, which gave rise to numerous “successful court challenges.” https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/biden-has-a-chance-to-restore-balance-to-the-rules-on-campus-sexual-assault/2021/03/28/cc4416fc-8767-11eb-8a8b-5cf82c3dffe4_story.html

A public opinion poll by the Center for Prosecutor Integrity revealed many American are questioning the fidelity of our legal system to basic due process principles: http://www.prosecutorintegrity.org/survey-summary/

  • Three-quarters of respondents — 74.8% — worry our legal system often does not respect “equal treatment under the law”
  • Two-thirds of persons — 66.8% — think the presumption of innocence is becoming lost in our nation’s legal system

SAVE invites lawmakers, newspaper editorial boards, and others to issue statements supportive of due process and the presumption of innocence.