Categories
Campus Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

How Will Title IX Policies Affect Autistic Students?

How Will Title IX Policies Affect Autistic Students?

By David Golub

May 9, 2021

Dating and relationships can be a challenging aspect for life for many people, but this is especially true for those who are on the autism spectrum.  In addition to the uncertainties that all people face, autistic individuals must confront certain additional questions: Will anyone want to date an unusual person like myself?  How will the physical aspects of a romantic relationship interplay with my sensory integration issues, and will my partner be understanding of any special needs that I may have?  Will she still love me when she learns that I’m autistic?

When the Department of Education’s 2011 “Dear Colleague” letter interpreted Title IX to require that schools investigate and adjudicate allegations of sexual assault, many expressed concern that innocent men had been placed at greater risk of being punished for crimes that they did not commit.  For those of us concerned with issues relating to autism, this begs the question of whether autistic students are disproportionately affected.  While no research has yet been done on this question, there is nonetheless good reason to believe that autistic students are at greater risk than their neurotypical counterparts.

There is one case documented in the press where an autistic student was punished inappropriately.[1]  In 2015, Brian Ferguson, then a student at Navarro College in Texas, saw a woman whom he mistakenly believed to be his friend, even though she was in fact a stranger.  He hugged her and kissed the top of her head.  The school treated this as a sexual assault and kicked him out.

Those unfamiliar with autism will likely not recognize what appears to have happened in this case.  Many autistic people have a neurological deficit known as prosopagnosia in which a person’s ability to recognize and remember the faces of others is severely impaired or, in the most extreme cases, completely missing.  It is not the fault of a person with prosopagnosia if they fail to recognize someone or mistakenly believe that a stranger is someone that they know.  This case should have been treated as an innocent misunderstanding, not as a violent crime.  The school’s failure to do so had the effect of discriminating against Ferguson on the basis of his disability.

There is also good reason for concern that the affirmative consent policies used by many academic institutions may have a disparate impact on autistic students.  Under these policies, both parties must explicitly express their consent prior to any sexual act in order for it to not be held to constitute sexual assault.  While the exact definition of affirmative consent may vary from institution to institution, many policies require that consent must be “enthusiastic”[2][3] in order to be valid or contain provisions that a verbal “yes” does not constitute valid consent if it is contradicted by nonverbal cues.[4]  While supporters of affirmative consent often call it “Yes Means Yes,” this label is highly misleading as “yes” may actually mean “no” if the nonverbal communication does not match.  Sexual consent educator Jaclyn Friedman asserts that “men (and women!) are perfectly capable of understanding social cues, even ones where someone is saying ‘no’ without using that actual word.”[5]

The problem is that this claim simply does not hold for many people on the autism spectrum.  Autistic individuals often have impairments in various forms of nonverbal communication such as facial expressions, tone of voice, and body language.  The semantic and pragmatic aspects of language, sometimes known more informally as “reading between the lines,” are also often an area of challenge.  As such, if a woman says “yes” but signals nonverbally or through the context that she really means “no,” an autistic man may not be able to tell the difference and may genuinely believe that he has consent.  To treat him as guilty of sexual assault in such cases is an injustice.

In seeking to ensure that autistic students are treated fairly under Title IX, it is important to recognize that not all people on the autism spectrum are diagnosed.  While the stereotypical image of autism is a child with a severe developmental disability, often one who is unable to talk, many autistic people are high-functioning and do not receive a diagnosis until adulthood, sometimes many years or even decades into adulthood.[6]

Prosopagnosia, the face recognition deficit discussed above, is not unique to autistic people.  Research has found that as many as 1 in 50 people are born with this deficit, and the overwhelming majority remain undiagnosed.[7]  As such, if we wish to ensure that people with these disabilities are not thrown under the bus, relying on special treatment on the basis of a diagnosis simply won’t cut it.  Our Title IX policies that are used across the board should be designed in a way that won’t subject individuals to being treated as criminals on account of autistic traits.

The Department of Education has initiated a rulemaking process to modify the regulations promulgated under the prior administration.  These regulations substantially improved due process protections, and it is feared that that the changes will bring back many of the unfair policies that were in use under “Dear Colleague” letter.  If so, these changes would be to the detriment of autistic students.

If we are serious about ensuring that all students have equal opportunity to learn, then the needs of autistic students must be taken into account.  This will be best accomplished by further strengthening due process protections.  Schools should be prohibited from using the affirmative consent standard, and they should be required to use a definition of sexual assault that is narrow enough to distinguish between a violent crime and an innocent mistake.  Returning to the failed policies of the past would be a huge step backward.

Citations:

[1] https://www.nbcdfw.com/news/local/student-with-autism-kicked-out-of-college/2101622/

[2] https://uhs.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/hp-consentdiscussionguide.pdf

[3] https://health.columbia.edu/content/consent

[4] https://www.wcsu.edu/womenscenter/definition/got-consent/

[5] https://www.vox.com/first-person/2018/1/19/16907246/sexual-consent-educator-aziz-ansari

[6] https://www.cnn.com/2008/HEALTH/conditions/03/28/autism.essay/index.html

[7] https://news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/2006/06/face-blindness-disorder-may-not-be-so-rare/

Categories
Sexual Assault Title IX

One-Third of Sexual Assault Allegations in Criminal Setting Are Unfounded

One-Third of Sexual Assault Allegations in Criminal Setting Are Unfounded

SAVE

May 7, 2021

Sexual assault activists often make the claim that false allegations of sexual assault are rare.

In her feminist classic, Against Our Will: Men, Women, and Rape, Susan Brownmiller claimed that only 2% of sexual assault cases are false (1). This claim was refuted when it was revealed that her statistic was based on a casual comment made by a judge at a bar association meeting (2). Legal scholar Michelle Anderson likewise reported, “no study has ever been published which sets forth an evidentiary basis for the two percent false rape complaint thesis.” (3)

Expanding on the Brownmiller claim, David Lisak and colleagues asserted, “the prevalence of false allegations is between 2% and 10%.” (4). Activist Jessica Valenti likewise avowed that “Only 2 to 10 percent of rape accusations are shown to be false.” (5). The National Sexual Violence Resource Center states on its website, “A review of research finds that the prevalence of false reporting is between 2 percent and 10 percent.” (6)

Unfortunately, discussions of this important topic have been fraught with overt bias, conjecture, and definitional imprecision.

The Department of Justice defines “rape” as: “The penetration, no matter how slight, of the vagina or anus with any body part or object, or oral penetration by a sex organ of another person, without the consent of the victim.” (7) But discussions on this topic often conflate “rape” with the much broader and often ill-defined term, “sexual assault.”

Equally important is the definition of “unfounded.” The FBI Uniform Crime Reports stipulate that “unfounded” applies when “a complaint that is determined through investigation to be false or baseless. In other words, no crime occurred.” (8)

Definitional difficulties arise from use of the term “false” allegation, which implies an intentional attempt to deceive. Conflating the word “victim” with “complainant,” Lisak et al provide this example (4):

For example, if a victim reports to the police that she was raped while she was intoxicated, and truthfully states that she cannot clearly recall whether there was penetration, investigators might classify such a case as “baseless/unfounded.” This classification is clearly distinct from a case in which a victim deliberately fabricates an account of being raped, yet the “unfounded” category is very often equated with the category of “false allegation.”

Determining whether an allegation is “false” requires a thorough investigation that entails repeated interviews of the complainant, and an assessment of complainant credibility, corroborating evidence, and plausibility of the fact pattern. Thus, an assessment of the falsity of an allegation entails a higher level of subjectivity. Using this more fluid definition, Lisak’s 2010 study concluded that only 5.9% of 136 reported sexual assaults at an American university were false.

Following are the reports that used more traditional assessment methods, arranged in chronological order:

  1. Kanin: A 1994 study by Eugene Kanin, using data from an unidentified Midwestern city, reported that the police department concluded that 41% of 109 rape allegations were false. Unfortunately, Kanin provided limited information about the police department’s methods for classifying cases. Kanin then did a follow-up study at two large Midwestern colleges, concluding that 50% of rape complaints were untrue (9).
  2. Neufeld and Scheck: In 1996, Innocence Project founders Peter Neufeld and Barry Scheck revealed: “FBI officials report that out of roughly 10,000 sexual assault cases since 1989, about 2,000 tests have been inconclusive (usually insufficient high molecular weight DNA to do testing), about 2,000 tests have excluded the primary suspect, and about 6,000 have “matched” or included the primary suspect.” Depending on how one classifies the “inconclusive” DNA results, 20-40% of all sexual assault cases were determined to be unfounded. (10)
  3. Baughman: A 2016 study conducted at a police department in a southeastern state concluded that 25% of the 351 allegations were “unfounded,” with another 54% classified as uncertain. Only 21% of the cases were “Cleared by Arrest,” meaning the police forwarded the case for possible prosecution (11).
  4. Department of Defense: The DOD Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office analyzed sexual assault allegations in the military and found a steady increase in the percentage of cases deemed to be “unfounded” or with “insufficient evidence of any offense to prosecute.” In 2018, the percentage of such cases was 28% out of 2,854 reported cases (12).
  5. Sokolow: Brett Sokolow is the head of the Association of Title IX Administrators (ATIXA) and is regarded as a national expert on sexual assault in the campus setting. In a 2020 interview, Sokolow stated, “Probably 40 or 50% of allegations of sexual assault are baseless. There are a lot of cases where someone says they were incapacitated, but the evidence doesn’t support that they weren’t able to make a decision.” (13)

Despite differing populations, assessment methods (police investigation versus DNA analysis), and geographical scope (national versus local), none of these five analyses remotely confirm the often-voiced claim that only 2-10% of rape accusations are “false.”

Based on the findings of these five analyses, we conclude that approximately one in three sexual assault allegations are unfounded. The one-in-three conclusion is consistent with an earlier review in which commentator Wendy McElroy affirmed, “False accusations are not rare. They are common.” (14)

In two populations, the percentage of unfounded allegations has been found to be higher than the one-in-three number:

  • College Students: As indicated by the Sokolow 40-50% statement, unfounded allegations appear to be more commonplace on college campuses than in the criminal system. This is a result of colleges’ broader definitions, amorphous procedures, and ease with which allegations can be made.
  • Black Men: The National Registry of Exonerations found that “a black prisoner serving time for sexual assault is three-and-a-half times more likely to be innocent than a white sexual assault convict.” (15) Professor Matthew Johnson furthermore reveals, “This increased risk of wrongful conviction is most pronounced in Black defendant/White victim cases, where the prevailing sense of moral violation is commonly heightened among the largely White public.” (16)

In cases of unfounded allegations, the true “victim” is the person falsely accused, not the complainant. SAVE recommends that investigators focus on assessments of the prevalence of sexual assault complaints that are “unfounded,” not “false.” SAVE urges that research on this important topic be informed by precise definitions, well-specified methodologies, and logically supported conclusions.

Citations:

  1. Susan Brownmiller (1975). Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape. Fawcett Books. https://www.amazon.com/Against-Our-Will-Women-Rape/dp/0449908208/ref=sr_1_1?dchild=1&keywords=against+our+will&qid=1620224838&sr=8-1
  2. Edward Greer (2000). The Truth behind Legal Dominance Feminism’s Two Percent False Rape Claim Figure, 33 Loy. L.A. L. Rev. 947. https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2216&context=llr 
  3. Michelle Anderson (2004). The Legacy of the Prompt Complaint Requirement, Corroboration Requirement, and Cautionary Instructions on Campus Sexual Assault. https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=555884
  4. David Lisak, Lori Gardiner, Sarah Nicksa, Ashley Cote (2010). False Allegations of Sexual Assault: An Analysis of Ten Years of Reported Cases. Violence Against Women. 16 (12): 1318–1334. https://cdn.atixa.org/website-media/atixa.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/12193336/Lisak-False-Allegations-16-VAW-1318-2010.pdf
  5. Jessica Valenti (September 8, 2017). Oh Look, Betsy DeVos Is Here to Protect Your Accused Rapist. Marie Claire, (https://www.marieclaire.com/politics/a29293/betsy-devos-rape-victim-rights-announcement/
  6. National Sexual Violence Resource Center (No date). False Reporting. https://www.nsvrc.org/sites/default/files/Publications_NSVRC_Overview_False-Reporting.pdf
  7. Department of Justice (2012). An Updated Definition of Rape. https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/blog/updated-definition-rape
  8. Federal Bureau of Investigation (2004). Uniform crime reporting handbook. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice. https://ucr.fbi.gov/additional-ucr-publications/ucr_handbook.pdf/
  9. J. Kanin (1994). False rape allegations. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 23, 81-87. https://www.aals.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/Bowen-Kanin-False-Rape-Empirical.pdf
  10. Quoted in Edward Connors, Thomas Lundregan, Neal Miller, and Tom McEwen (1996). Convicted by Juries, Exonerated by Science: Case Studies in the Use of DNA Evidence to Establish Innocence After Trial. Department of Justice. https://www.ncjrs.gov/txtfiles/dnaevid.txt
  11. Benjamin Baughman (2016). A Study of Rape Investigation Files Involving Female Survivors: A Comparison of Allegations Deemed False and Genuine. Table 3.1. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/27856/
  12. Center for Military Readiness (2019). DoD Annual Reports Show Significant Increases in Sexual Assault Accusations Deemed “Unfounded.” https://www.cmrlink.org/data/sites/85/CMRDocuments/SAPROAnalysis-Unfounded_082719.pdf Also see discussion here: https://www.cmrlink.org/issues/full/unfounded-sex-assault-charges-trending-up-in-dod-reports
  13. Richard Bernstein (December 16, 2020). Legal experts say Biden’s pushing ahead to the Obama past on campus rape could be a mistake. The Center Square. https://www.thecentersquare.com/national/legal-experts-say-bidens-pushing-ahead-to-the-obama-past-on-campus-rape-could-be/article_184d1e3a-3fc0-11eb-956d-87947675f52c.html
  14. Wendy McElroy (2006). False Rape Accusations May Be More Common Than Thought. Independent Institute. https://www.independent.org/news/article.asp?id=1719
  15. Samuel Gross, Maurice Possley, Klara Stephens (2017). Race and Wrongful Convictions in the United States. Page iii. https://www.law.umich.edu/special/exoneration/Documents/Race_and_Wrongful_Convictions.pdf
  16. Matthew Johnson (2020). Wrongful Conviction in Sexual Assault. Oxford University Press. Page 102. https://global.oup.com/academic/product/wrongful-conviction-in-sexual-assault-9780190653057?cc=us&lang=en&
Categories
Title IX

OCR Announces Title IX Public Hearing

OCR Announces Title IX Public Hearing

June 7, 2021—June 11, 2021
Virtual

The U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights (OCR) announces a virtual public hearing to gather information for the purpose of improving enforcement of Title IX of the Education Amendments Act of 1972 (Title IX).  OCR seeks comments from the public on steps the Department can take to ensure that schools are providing students with educational environments free from discrimination in the form of sexual harassment, which encompasses sexual assault and other forms of sexual violence.

At the hearing, members of the public may comment on steps the Department can take to ensure that schools are providing students with educational environments free from discrimination in the form of sexual harassment, which encompasses sexual assault and other forms of sexual violence. Members of the public may also comment how the Department can continue to ensure that schools have grievance procedures that provide for the fair, prompt, and equitable resolution of reports of sexual harassment and other sex discrimination, cognizant of the sensitive issues that are often involved.  OCR also seeks the public’s comments on the Department’s role in addressing discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity in educational environments.

Source: https://web.cvent.com/event/ba5eef74-8f35-4a4e-b0a7-1f047fe033bc/summary?link_id=0&can_id=7077f14961b087ba8e67e7324182ff43&source=email-title-ix-public-hearings-were-just-announced-for-june&email_referrer=email_1166177&email_subject=title-ix-public-hearings-were-just-announced-for-june

Categories
Campus Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

Removing or Weakening the Presumption of Innocence in Title IX Proceedings Would Institutionalize ‘Cancel Culture’

Removing or Weakening the Presumption of Innocence in Title IX Proceedings Would Institutionalize ‘Cancel Culture’

Raul Jauregui, Esq.

May 5, 2021

The presumption of innocence, currently enshrined in US law when we face an accusation, makes it fair for everyone because we can state our defense.  This includes any victims, be they man or woman.  In the case of the “DeVos Title IX rules” (Rules), that fairness currently means that when a woman accuses a man of sexual misconduct, and then the man turns around and tells the school “not so, it was actually she who did to my body things I did not permit,” both the woman and the man stand on equal footing to prove their story.  Under the Rules both man and woman can investigate, evaluate, and tell their side of the story because they are both presumed innocent.  That is precious.

But President Biden’s possible rollback of the Rules seeks to take away from all students, be they man or woman, black or white, gay or straight, that precious fairness by assuming guilt according to who accused whom first, that is, by writing “cancel culture” into the law.  That is wrong.  Cancel culture is a private act: People can stop talking to each other in protest all they want, but we cannot pass a law that prevents anyone to tell their side of the story to a school.  Incorporating cancel culture into the Title IX rules by assuming guilt formally silences only one side.  If we do that we engage in discrimination.

I present this fictional scenario, based on my experiences as a Title IX lawyer. to illustrate the risk that cancel culture’s institutionalization of the assumption of guilt would pose for educational fairness:

Because of a sordid history of childhood sexual abuse, Carmela Otolumbi, suffers from Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID) (1) and still got admitted to Seaside State University.  But her school’s Title IX staff and classmates do not know she has DID—they only see “Carmela” the 19 year old overachiever, not her DID twin, “Carmela2.0” the 19 year old cruel punisher.  So when Carmela2.0 accuses Pedro Juarez, another student at Seaside, of sexual assault, everyone believes her and Pedro ends up back home, angry, and suspended.  Classic for DID patients, Carmela, the overachiever, suddenly thrives in the attention she receives from everyone.  DID overachievers, after all, deserve what Carmela now has and did not get as a child: #survivor status, special school funding, secure housing of her choice, and the respect of all the women on campus. #respect. Pedro, meanwhile, has gone from pre-med student to car washer.  His life is over. Carmela starts public speaking about her assault experience, about her #seasiderapist (she baptizes him that, hashtag and all), and about how she experiences daily triggers that re-traumatize her, particularly because Pedro remains active on social media.

Carmela2.0, the cruel punisher one, in a classic DID way, cannot stand Pedro’s Insta photos in Cancun.  So she takes her rage to Tiktok and starts a campaign to cancel Pedro. #whodidyourapeinCancun?  Carmela2.0 goes nuclear in her attempt to expel Pedro from Seaside and to, while she is at it, get everyone at Seaside State fired.  #Seasideenoughrape. Carmela2.0, in a DID attack, starts on-line fund raising, publishes her sad fiction on Medium, receives over $10,540.00 for her legal fund, has a rally which she live streams on Instagram, blogs, and makes TikTok cameos.  She’s #woke. Carmela 2.0 does everything she can to cancel Pedro.  And she expects Title IX to do the same: Carmela2.0, as any DID punisher would, demands that everyone believe her word that Pedro is guilty and that this is #theT9law to protect a #TitleIXsurvivor.  Of course, Carmela2.0 never shares as part of her cancel campaign, that Pedro says she raped him, or that she suffers from DID.  Cancel culture is so powerful, though, that Carmela2.0 grins from ear to ear as her followers on Insta explode, #ally and as more and more students at Seaside call out the culture of tolerance that led to her “exploitation” and sign on-line petitions to expel Pedro #expelCarmela’srapist, and to fire everyone in Seaside’s staff.  Why not?!  I mean, #metoo.

Both Carmelas have now cancelled Pedro’s life at Seaside State.  On line, both Carmelas have done away with Pedro’s presumption of innocence.  Because #Seasiderapist brings up Pedro’s Cancun photos, Google tags him, so he moves to a secret home.  Pedro has been found guilty and convicted on social media.  All his friends block him on Insta.  His Tweeter feed is overwhelmed with slurs.  Year-long Snaps with ex friends suddenly end.  Pedro’s Seaside roommate and best witness also drops out of every single chat group and snap because cancel culture makes him the #Seasiderapist #enabler—he, the kid studying religion.  And Seaside State does nothing to cure Pedro’s on–line re-victimization even though Pedro and his girlfriend complain to Seaside State’s administrators, and to the local district attorney, that this is Carmela2.0’s conspiracy to violate their civil rights.  Twitter refuses to suspend Carmela’s @Seasiderapesurvivor.

Emboldened, both Carmelas become Title IX activists.  They blog and Tiktok as hard as they can that “their #survivor experience” demands that the Rules must be changed to assume that Pedro is guilty, and that Seaside State has not punished him enough.  This time the Carmelas start fund raising on line, to sue to change the Rules.

What Pedro, his roommate, his girlfriend, and some Seaside State employees just experienced from both the Carmelas, “cancel culture” “is a modern form of ostracism in which someone is thrust out of social or professional circles – whether it be online, on social media, or in person. (2). Cancel culture turns off the light and makes it all dark.  But most importantly, cancel culture is a private choice—akin to shopping on Amazon or not, and not a public rule—akin to you must have a driver’s license or you can’t drive. This private/public distinction is why what the Carmelas now want, to incorporate cancel culture into the Title IX rules, is unfair: It transforms cancel culture, a private, harsh remedy, into an unconstitutional governmental act.  That is absurd.  Yet, sadly, cancel culture’s most direct impact on the Title IX rollback activism can be seen on real, Carmela-like calls to eliminate the Rules’ presumption of innocence.  That is, in our example, to pass a law that takes away Pedro’s ability show the evidence, tell his story, and rescue his name from cancellation, to then regain his career, and his life.

Cancel culture’s call to stop the presumption of innocence takes away the Title IX guarantee that everyone has the right to an education that is free from sexual hostility.  Incorporating cancel culture into the Rules has many fatal flaws:  It assumes that all men are indeed guilty. (They are not).  It makes no room for mistakes, revenges, confusions and staff ineptitude. (These happen all the time).  It rushes to judgment in a way no different from the summary trials of any authoritarian dictatorship.  Cancel culture as privately applied to the virtual reality world in which students facing sexual misconduct are shamed, makes them guilty, ON THE INTERNET.  But to then take that insolence and make it law, which eliminates the precious presumption of innocence so natural to life in the US, violates our social norms.  Cancel culture takes the worst tool of authoritarianism—coercion—and, should it be incorporated into the Rules, as the Carmelas want, would use this coercion to replace one of the best attributes of our democracy—the presumption of innocence.

Even through this fiction that I just wrote out for you, in an environment limited to Carmela’s mental illness and her smart phone’s screen,  you see how cancel culture brings up the worst in us.  What Carmela has not yet grasped is that in canceling Pedro, she raped him.  What we all need to agree on is that under the Rules for Title IX Pedro, while innocent to begin with, is presumed innocent as a matter of law.  To change or weaken that guarantee in the form Rules that institutionalize “cancel culture” by rejecting the assumption of innocence, by granting complainants the power to brand their respondents “guilty” just because that’s the #staywoke thing to do, turns the United States higher education scene into a Gulag, it lets the inmates run the insane asylum, and puts everyone—including vulnerable gay students and students of color at risk.

The current Title IX regulation only barely makes the process fair for respondents of allegations of sexual misconduct.  To take away the fairness in those rules by presuming guilt makes “cancel culture,” a private remedy, the official standard for education law in the US.  That is wrong.

Footnotes:

Categories
False Allegations Sexual Assault

Review of ‘Wrongful Conviction in Sexual Assault’

Review of ‘Wrongful Conviction in Sexual Assault’

Matthew Barry Johnson, PhD

May 3, 2021

Wrongful Conviction in Sex Assault: Stranger Rape, Acquaintance Rape, and Intra-familial Child Sexual Assault (WCSA), is the product of research conducted in the past 7 years or so. I drew from my earlier work focused on interrogation and false confession, and began to study wrongful conviction stemming from eye-witness mis-identification.  I realized that an obviously large proportion of wrongful convictions occurred in rape and sexual assault cases, whether via false confession or eye-witness mis-identification.

One of my initial goals was to merely catalogue cases from across the US.  Sarah Burns’ outstanding documentary “The Central Park Five” (CP5, 2012) provided a valuable account of the wrongful convictions from the point of view of the juvenile defendants and their families. However, the Burns film suggested the CP5 wrongful convictions were the product of peculiarities of New York City in the late 1980s (see ‘Sex, Race, and Wrongful Conviction’ https://thecrimereport.org/2013/10/03/2013-10-sex-race-and-wrongful-conviction/).  I was acutely aware the CP5 prosecutions shared essential elements with the prosecution of Daryl Hunt in Winston-Salem, N. Carolina, multiple false confessions of juveniles in Chicago (The Dixmoor Five, The Englewood Four, and Ollins, Ollins, Saunders, and Bradford), the Steve Avery sexual assault conviction in Wisconsin, the Norfolk Four defendants in Virginia, and many others.

Several earlier wrongful conviction researchers suggested wrongful conviction in rape warranted attention but the issue remained largely unexamined.  Bedau & Radelet (1987) in their pre-DNA study of wrongful conviction in potentially capital cases commented, “…systematic research would certainly uncover more cases of wrongful conviction … especially for crimes of rape”.  The 1996 National Institute of Justice report on the first 28 US DNA exonerations stated, “All 28 cases profiled in the report involved some form of sexual assault”.  Unfortunately, the report included commentary suggesting the predominance of sexual assaults was merely an artifact.  In 2006, Findley & Scott, in a widely cited law review, relied on 4 cases to illustrate the phenomenon of ‘Tunnel Vision’.  Each of the four case illustrations involved stranger rape, a relatively rare crime.  Similarly, Brandon Garrett’s (2010) law review titled, “The Substance of False Confessions”, relied on a data set comprised of “mostly cases involving a rape by a stranger” without considering the likelihood the charged offense may have contributed to the flawed investigations and tragic outcomes.

As the research for my book WCSA was being formulated, it was readily apparent that the prosecution approach to classification, that is classification based on the highest charge, would be an obstacle to revealing important relationships.  Rape is sexual assault no matter that some rapes co-occur with murder.  Some prior research, employing the prosecution approach to crime classification, had asserted that murder is the most common crime associated with wrongful conviction in the US.  That finding was the result of counting rape/murders as murders.  When rape/murders are disaggregated from murders without sexual assault, the dramatic over-representation of sexual assault among US wrongful convictions is apparent.  As Garrett reported in 2011, rapes and rape/murders make up 89% of all US exonerations.

With the benefit of further disaggregation other important findings emerged.  Even though most sexual assault victims (78%) are attacked by perpetrators they knew, confirmed wrongful convictions predominately occur in stranger assaults.  Seventy-two % of the entire listing of Innocence Project exonerations (as of 2017) involved stranger rape cases, a relatively rare offense.  These findings led to the four-part ‘Stranger Rape Thesis’, elaborating the increased risk of wrongful conviction in stranger rape.  Just as disaggregating sexual assault revealed important distinctions, disaggregating stranger rape wrongful convictions exposed two different routes or paths to wrongful conviction.  Those cases with surviving capable victims were overwhelmingly linked to mis-identifications by the assault victim while those cases where the assault victim was killed, or otherwise incapable of assisting in the investigation, resulted in wrongful convictions via false confessions.

Disaggregation based on race/ethnicity contributes further clarity to processes in wrongful conviction in sexual assault.  While rape is a highly intra-ethnic crime, several researchers have noted the pronounced over-representation of innocent Black or Latino defendants wrongly convicted of raping white victims.  In Convicting the Innocent, Garrett reported 10% of rapes are inter-racial while half (49%) of rape exonerations occurred in cases with Black or Latino defendants and white victims.

While an initial goal was to catalogue wrongful convictions in sexual assault, what emerged was evidence that there was increased risk of wrongful conviction in certain types of offenses, that is stranger rapes and particularly Black defendant/white victim cases. WCSA presents the obstacles inherent to certain types of criminal investigations, and also how the reactions to certain offenses by law enforcement and the public can increase the risk of wrongful conviction.  Along the way the book discusses the role of serial sex offenders in wrongful conviction, ‘moral correction’ pressure and biases, different varieties of ‘manufactured evidence’ and the series of wrongful convictions in sexual assault referred to as ‘child sexual abuse hysteria’.

Wrongful Conviction in Sexual Assault is published by Oxford University Press, 2021.

Categories
Campus Office for Civil Rights Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

Guilty Until Proven Innocent: The Devastating Impact of the Pre-2020 Title IX Regulations on College Students Accused of Title IX Violations

Guilty Until Proven Innocent: The Devastating Impact of the Pre-2020 Title IX Regulations on College Students Accused of Title IX Violations

Natanya DeWeese, Esq.

It is common knowledge that criminal defendants have constitutional rights, including the right to confront the witnesses against them.  College students accused of violating Title IX have far fewer rights.  Instead of being found guilty beyond a reasonable doubt, they are found responsible by a preponderance of the evidence.  This legal standard is applied by college faculty, staff, and sometimes students, many of whom have no legal knowledge.  To a college student accused of violating Title IX, the possibility of losing their college education and future career is just as serious as a defendant facing criminal charges.  If the due process protections given to accused students in the 2020 regulations[1] are rescinded, accused students will lose the few rights they have in these proceedings.  As an attorney who represents students accused of Title IX violations, I have seen firsthand the devastating impact the pre-2020 regulations had on accused students and the unfair outcomes that resulted when the accused could not tell their stories.

The current policy of permitting advisors to cross-examine allows the accused to explore inconsistencies and challenge credibility, and allows the hearing panel to determine the truth.  Without cross-examination, the accuser dictates the narrative, permitting hearing panels to find students responsible for sexual misconduct based on very little evidence.  This has devastating consequences for accused students, including suspension or expulsion.  If an accuser admitted in writing that she consented and she was not afraid of the accused, but testified to the contrary at the hearing, the accused would have no opportunity to question her about these inconsistencies without cross-examination.  Without a way for the accused to ask follow-up questions or challenge the accuser’s credibility, a hearing panel would not explore possible evidence of consent and could find the accused responsible based on the accuser’s testimony.  Since suspension or expulsion are likely sanctions for students found responsible for sexual misconduct, there is too much at stake to not allow the truth to be explored.

Before the regulations permitted advisors to cross-examine, colleges enacted poor substitutes that did not allow students’ stories to be told.  Approaches included having students submit questions to the hearing chair in advance to ask each other at the hearing, having students or their advisor email the hearing chair during the hearing with questions for a witness, or relying on interview transcripts in the investigation file and not having the witnesses testify at all.  These approaches resulted in students reading prepared answers at the hearing with no opportunity to ask each other follow-up questions, allowing hearing chairs to change the wording of questions so they asked something entirely different from what the student intended, and hearing panels making determinations based on transcripts of interviews with witnesses who had no personal knowledge of the incident and barely knew the accused. None of these approaches allowed accused students to meaningfully question their accuser or witnesses.

It is also important to retain the policy that colleges provide an investigative report that fairly summarizes the evidence.  Without a fair report, colleges are free to proceed based only on information from the accused.  In one case[2], the investigative file was missing most of what the accused student said in his interview with the investigator.  The college claimed the recording of his interview was corrupted and the investigator didn’t take notes.  Rather than interviewing him again, the college proceeded to a hearing, with a file that contained several pages of evidence from the accuser and half a page from the accused.  The student was found responsible and suspended.

Students who are suspended or expelled for Title IX violations face the sudden end of their educational and career aspirations.  They are left in a world of fear, uncertainty, anxiety, and depression.  Do they want to return to the college that suspended them? Can they transfer to another college with this mark on their record? Do they even want to try? And what will become of their future if they don’t?  They are ostracized by their peers and fear interactions with others.  For the falsely accused, it is as if they are wearing a scarlet letter “R” for “rapist,” but they did nothing wrong.

Despite college policies claiming that students are presumed innocent, this is not always the case in practice, especially before the 2020 regulations.  Students feel they are presumed guilty and that nothing they say makes a difference, especially when they are not given a fair opportunity to tell their side of the story or challenge the evidence against them.  The process is traumatic and dehumanizing for students, creating a PTSD that is triggered even by receiving an email from a college official.  They don’t trust the colleges to get to the truth of what happened.  Without allowing students to cross-examine their accusers or receive a fair investigation, how can colleges accurately determine who is responsible and who is not?

I do not diminish the trauma that victims of sexual assault go through.  OCR should consider that accused students are traumatized too, especially under the prior regulations that gave them few rights and little opportunity to have their side of the story told. OCR should give students equal rights and opportunities to be heard, because without regulations that give both students due process, the colleges will not.

Links:

[1] “U.S. Department of Education Launches New Title IX Resources for Students, Institutions As New Rule Takes Effect,” August 14, 2020, https://www.ed.gov/news/press-releases/us-department-education-launches-new-title-ix-resources-students-institutions-historic-new-rule-takes-effect

[2] OCR found that the college discriminated against this student on the basis of sex and did not provide him with a fair process. https://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/docs/investigations/more/02182335-a.pdf

Categories
Sexual Assault Sexual Harassment Title IX

Biden’s Enigmatic Executive Order on Sex Discrimination

Biden’s Enigmatic Executive Order on Sex Discrimination

Buddy Ullman

April 29, 2021

President Biden’s March 8th Executive Order (EO) 14021 mandated “that all students should be guaranteed an educational environment free from discrimination on the basis of sex, including discrimination in the form of sexual harassment, which encompasses sexual violence, and including discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity” and directed Secretary of Education Cardona to review all Department of Education policies that might be inconsistent with the EO.  Cardona’s review needs to be finalized by June 16th.  It’s a tight deadline.

By issuing EO 14021, President Biden is unmistakably targeting the new Title IX (TIX) compliance Rule that former Secretary of Education Betsy Devos effected in August, 2020.  In fact, the Rule is specifically cited three times in the 1½ – page EO.  Of note, the EO and the DeVos Rule are not the same: they overlap and clash.

In response to the EO, the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights, headed by Acting Assistant Secretary Suzanne Goldberg, issued a letter to stakeholders and press release announcing the launch of a comprehensive review of the Rule that she will head.  Ms. Goldberg’s assessment is more expansive than that authorized by the EO and includes a public hearing, the issuance of a question-and-answer document, and most concerning, a notice of anticipated rulemaking that seems precipitous.

President Biden does not offer any explanation for why he believes that the DeVos regulations might be discriminatory and therefore inconsistent with EO 14021.  Neither does Ms. Goldberg.  Whereas there are components of the 2,033 page DeVos rule to which people disagree, there is absolutely nothing in the Rule that is even remotely discriminatory.  In fact, the Rule vigorously supports compliance with TIX, which in itself is an anti-discrimination federal civil rights law.

President Biden did promise during the course of his campaign to put a “quick end” to the Rule, and Goldberg’s review may be a sly mechanism to accomplish this objective.  Biden’s line of reasoning for his campaign promise appears to be his groundless belief that the DeVos Rule seeks to “shame and silence survivors,” and “gives colleges a green light to ignore sexual violence and strip survivors of their rights.” I find his ratiocination to be nonsense, and I’m a progressive Democrat and ardent Biden fan.

Ms. Goldberg’s views on the DeVos Rule are largely unknown at this point, but she does report, ultimately, to the President.  The Assistant Secretary in a 2019 op-ed did express her opposition to a pivotal component of the Rule, cross-examination (XXN) in a live-hearing format, but her dissatisfaction was based mainly on hypothetical disparities between advisors to the parties in a dispute, an argument also applicable to any criminal case in a court of law where XXN is a constitutional mandate.  Ms. Goldberg’s argument against the Rule is not compelling and is offset by the enormous benefits that cross-examination brings to the truth-finding objective of a TIX investigation.  Furthermore, eliminating XXN for students in TIX proceedings that would be constitutionally mandated for nonstudents in a court of law, I would argue, is the epitome of discrimination, and would be a violation of President Biden’s EO.

There are some noteworthy differences between EO 14021 and the one-sentence TIX, which states that “no person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving Federal financial assistance.”  The significance and impact of these discrepancies is obscure but disquieting.

EO 14021, for example, applies specifically to students, while TIX relates to all persons, most pertinently faculty and staff, who can be respondents in TIX proceedings, as I learned the hard way.  EO 14021 also impacts students in all schools, whereas TIX is restricted to those schools and educational institutions that receive federal financial assistance.  Because EOs are limited to the operations of the federal government, the jurisdiction of EO 14021 over educational institutions that are not overseen by TIX is unclear.  Equivalently ambiguous is whether the current TIX regulations apply to violations of Biden’s EO that are not covered by TIX.  EO 14021 stipulates no enforcement mechanism.

EO 14021 is also much expansive in its purview than TIX.  TIX focuses on educational programs and activities, while Biden’s EO encompasses the educational environment.  What exactly constitutes an educational environment is highly debatable.  In contrast, the Rule’s directives pertaining to settings under a school’s TIX purview are transparent and were obliged by the Davis verdict that was affirmed  by five liberal justices, including progressive icon Ruth Bader Ginsburg.  The justices established that “the harassment must take place in a context subject to the school district’s control.” but the educational environment that is the focus of the EO includes places outside a school’s control, e.g., a home.

The punctilious and judicious Rule is predicated upon: (1) the United States Constitution, principally the 1st, 5th, and 14th amendments; (2) judicial precedent, in particular the 1999 Supreme Court decision Davis versus Monroe County Board of Education that was affirmed by five liberal justices; and (3) congressional intent, i.e., the text of TIX.  The Rule insists upon reasonable, fair, and equitable procedures by which gender discrimination, sexual harassment, and sexual assault disputes are investigated under TIX.  Unlike the vague, discretionary, and now rescinded Obama-era guidance that was actually spearheaded by then Vice President Biden in 2011, the DeVos rule is constitutionally and legally sound and does not discriminate against respondents.

The vast majority of Americans support the due process and free speech provisions that are encompassed in the DeVos Rule.  Joe Biden promised in his inaugural address to “be a president for all Americans.”  Let’s hope he will.

Categories
Prosecutorial Misconduct Wrongful Convictions

From Moot Court to Criminal Court: A Former Law Student’s Harrowing Experience Before a Kangaroo Court

From Moot Court to Criminal Court: A Former Law Student’s Harrowing Experience Before a Kangaroo Court

by Cyrus Leigh

April 27, 2021

In January 2017, my life was not unlike the countless law students who had gone before me.  I was well on my way to completing my Juris Doctor, and I had recently moved closer to the law school, where I was spending six out of seven days a week.  The Spring semester began, and I was 21 credits shy of earning my degree.

Then, my life forever changed. 

I received a phone call informing me of an accusation against me, a reprehensible form of abuse against my nieces, aged just three and four-and-a-half years old at the time.  After the call, I was in a state of complete shock and disbelief.  I contacted my family and later a close friend, a child psychologist, to try to make sense of what I had just heard.

Fortunately, I had the full support of lifelong friends, family, fellow law students, and law professors to stand by me throughout the process – as they still do today – in what I can only describe as a living nightmare.

A few hours later, the police were at my door.  I agreed to answer their questions at the station, and afterward, they drove me home and shook my hand.  As I walked into my building, I failed to recognize what was happening, nor could I foresee the almost four-year-long road that lay ahead of me.  As one of my professors had succinctly put it, I was being “railroaded.”

For the next few weeks, I was in a daze.  I met with an attorney who, after speaking with the detective, assured me that charges were not imminent.

However, a month later, that all changed.  I was asked to surrender myself and criminally charged.  I tried to remain calm, fully knowing a grievous mistake was made and expecting someone would soon rectify it.  A family member and attorney told me I would receive bail and return home in a day or two to figure out this mess, but then I recalled the first attorney with whom I met informing me about a recent change in New Jersey’s bail law.  To add even more perplexity to a bizarre situation, I learned the prosecutor would be seeking my pretrial incarceration at a forthcoming detention hearing.

Ten days after being held in a solitary cell, just a month after I stood in moot court, I found myself standing in a real court.  Instead of playing the role of a prosecutor donned in a suit in front of my classmates as I had only weeks earlier, I was now a prisoner dressed in chains, shackled among other inmates.

Instead of a class exercise having professors judge my advocacy skills about a hypothetical case, I stood in front of friends and family, being falsely accused of the most heinous and vile crimes, facing 25 years to life imprisonment, and deemed by a real judge – under a two-month-old bail reform statute, enacted to afford non-monetary conditions of pretrial release to low risks like myself – that because there was clear and convincing evidence of my dangerousness or flight risk, I had to be preventatively detained pretrial and thus sent back to the dungeon.

The prosecutor had argued for, and the judge ordered my detention, despite no evidence against me; dozens of letters of support submitted from family, friends, law students, and professors; three friends testifying to my good character and, most importantly, complete factual innocence.  Moreover, it was precisely due to my lack of a criminal record that the state’s pretrial risk assessment determined I was the lowest possible risk for pretrial release.

It was only months later that I learned the state’s proposed pretrial order recommended my release on home detention and electronic monitoring – an important document that failed to surface during my detention hearing.

Within a month, I went from moot court to criminal court; two cases, the latter just as false and fabricated as the former, yet with catastrophic consequences.  I witnessed first-hand a fictitious case develop around me, only to later envelop me whole.  There are no words that can ever adequately describe that day or the years that have since followed, yet I suppose the most overused but apt term is Kafkaesque.

Nine months after my arrest on false charges, indicted, and facing 25 years to life, the state offered me a plea deal to time-served.  I was speechless.

I had naïvely assumed a proper investigation would exonerate me, that the state would dismiss all charges, and I would receive an apology.  I maintained my composure and sanity for months with this expectation.

A few weeks later, my attorney told me that the prosecutor would dismiss all the original (sexual) charges and amend two counts in the indictment from sexual endangering the welfare of children to non-sexual endangering, something I was neither accused of nor indicted on.  The factual basis of that offense (and my conviction) is “the habitual use by the parent or by a person having the custody and control of a child, in the hearing of such child, of profane, indecent or obscene language.”  Again, I was astonished.

But after consulting with my family and counsel, we decided that it was in my best interest to accept the offer because, as we know, juries sometimes find innocent people guilty of the crimes they were charged with but had not committed.

And so, I accepted fault for cursing “in the hearing” of my nieces – and I went to prison.

After being intentionally misclassified by the prison and twice denied release by the parole board, the decisions all resting on the dismissed charges and not my actual conviction, I finally returned home in August 2020, after serving over two years in prison.

Sadly, I recently discovered that my conviction does not qualify for expungement, notwithstanding my former attorney’s assurances.  Moreover, despite the Assistant Dean of my former law school’s assurances to my family, I learned that I would not be permitted to re-enroll and complete the final 21 credits required to earn the degree.

Thus, I have lost a substantial investment, years of my life (and so much more), and earned instead of a degree in law, a permanent criminal conviction – all because of one person’s malice and a prosecutor’s lack of integrity.

Categories
Victims Violence Against Women Act

‘Discarded’ Abuse Victim Speaks Out: VAWA Bill Reveals How Victimhood Professionals Exploit Victims

‘Discarded’ Abuse Victim Speaks Out: VAWA Bill Reveals How Victimhood Professionals Exploit Victims

Wendy McElroy

April 24, 2021

The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) is currently in the Senate awaiting debate and reauthorization. VAWA is the federal touchstone for how sexual abuse, especially domestic violence (DV), is addressed and funded nationwide. It has vastly expanded from its 1994 roots and epitomizes not only the inevitable drift of government toward greater power but also the dynamics of how the victimhood industry abets in and weaponizes this power.

Much of current politics devolves to the question of who has a right to speak for the victim. Speaking for victims is a massive industry through which politicians and advocates can achieve immense status and wealth. They can also implement unrelated agendas as long as they are attached to cries of racism or rape. No wonder there is stiff competition among victimhood professionals for who has the right to speak for victims so that they can acquire tax-funding and the weight of law. In the jostle for power and podium, however, the victims themselves are often lost in the shuffle so that no one seems to speak for them, except out of self-interest.

VAWA is an example of victimhood professionals and legislators damaging the very people they claim to protect. It expresses the ground game of most if not all social justice campaigns?

A social justice campaign begins by sculpting the definitions of what constitutes DV and who is viewed as a “victim” in order to make them useful to the “correct” narrative and policies. Whoever controls the definitions wins the argument.

The House VAWA bill H.R. 1620 amends Section 40002 of the Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (34 U.S.C. 12291). The bill defines DV as:

“a pattern of behavior involving the use or attempted use of physical, sexual, verbal, psychological, economic, or technological abuse or any other coercive behavior committed, enabled, or solicited to gain or maintain power and control over a victim.”

This vague and expansive definition would include lover’s quarrels (verbal abuse), threats of leaving the relationship (psychological), imposing a budget (economic), and sending emails repeatedly after a break-up (technological). It criminalizes common, nonviolent behavior so that government and law enforcement can intervene in the minutia of relationships to benefit one side. An example of an amendment: “Sexual contact is not a necessary component of such a relationship.”

Over time, VAWA’s has deeply embedded “the personal is political” into DV policies and law. The underlying theory of this slogan is that all actions and attitudes, however personal they may seem, have political significance; they occur within the political framework of an oppressive culture and impact society. Almost in self-defense, therefore, society has a ‘right’ to encourage—if not mandate—‘proper’ actions and attitudes; it has a ‘right’ to discourage improper ones, by law if necessary. This is the stripped-down core of political correctness and purpose of the social justice warrior….

Armed with obedient definitions, the next step toward social justice is to create a hysteria to establish the urgency of action. A common way to do this is to cherry-pick statistics that paint an alarming picture. Consider the VAWA section headed “Title IX, Safety for Indian Women,” especially on Native American women’s safety. It opens, “More than 4 in 5 American Indian and Alaska Native women, or 84.3 percent, have experienced violence in their lifetime.”

The statistic comes from the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey (NISVS), “Violence Against American Indian and Alaska Native Women and Men.” But VAWA makes a curious omission. Immediately after the 84.3 percent figure cited, the NIPSVS reads, “More than 4 in 5 American Indian and Alaska Native men (81.6 percent) have experienced violence in their lifetime.” This is only 2.7 percent less violence than women but this data is ignored. If VAWA cares for “victims,” why the conspicuous omission?

The short answer: the omitted data do not support the social justice narrative or the goal of assisting the oppressed class of “women.” The dismal does not come from the ignorance of advocates or from indifference toward male suffering; they fear presenting an accurate picture. If a balanced discussion of sexual violence occurred, then their preferred group would lose its monopoly on victimhood; advocates would lose funding, status, and power.

Instead, they selectively use stats to declare a DV epidemic against women and to demand legislation. Often, the next step in a social justice campaign is to have carefully selected victims testify in public about their suffering. The testimonials serve at least three purposes other than stoking hysteria. They allow advocates to ride a wave of moral and emotional outrage that sidesteps the need for reasoned arguments. They silence critics who appear to be callous and indifferent to the revealed agony of women if they ask questions. They also push aside inconvenient victims who interrupt the desired narrative; not all of these victims are male.

If the foregoing analysis sounds cynical, it is partly because I am one of the discarded victims. I am legally blind in my right eye due to a severe DV beating I experienced in my 20s. But I do not agree with the ideology, goals, methodology, or conclusions of VAWA. And I am convinced that my experience would have been much worse if I had been processed by the victimhood industry. For one thing, they would have insisted on that my blindness were caused by the system and culture. I knew it had been caused by one man—not by all men, not by society—by one man. I am not the voice VAWA advocates want to hear; I am one of the voices they need to silence. As such, VAWA and other DV advocates have been cynical toward me simply because I want to speak the truth of my own experience.

The victimhood complex is a huge network of bureaucracy that directly results from “the personal is political.” But the personal cannot be found in a government agency. People will never be empowered by bureaucrats; people are empowered by speaking themselves.

Excerpted from: http://www.ifeminists.com/e107_plugins/content/content.php?content.1504 

Categories
Campus DED Sexual Assault Directive Department of Education Sexual Assault

Did the 2011 DCL Contribute to University Failures in Staff-on-Student Sex Scandals?

Did the 2011 DCL Contribute to University Failures in Staff-on-Student Sex Scandals?

SAVE

April 26, 2021

Much has been written about the failures of the Dear Colleague Letter issued by the Department of Education in 2011, including:

  1. No demonstrated improvement in the reporting of sexual assault
  2. An increase in the rate of sexual assaults
  3. Lawsuits by wrongfully accused students
  4. Millions of dollars spent by university Title IX programs

Three highly publicized cases of staff-on-student sexual abuse suggest another shortcoming of the DCL policy:

Michigan State University: “The U.S. Education Department fined Michigan State University $4.5 million in September for failing to respond to sexual assault complaints against Nassar. The same day, MSU President Samuel Stanley Jr. announced the resignation of Provost June Youatt, saying the investigation findings showed she and former President Lou Anna Simon “failed to take appropriate action on behalf of the university to address reports of inappropriate behavior and conduct.” according to an account of the incident.”

University of Southern California: “Since the release of the initial Los Angeles Times article published on May 16, 2018, hundreds of USC students and alumni have come forward with allegations of sexual abuse, assault, battery, and harassment. Over the years, many patients reported that Tyndall was unprofessional, creepy, or made them feel “uncomfortable and violated.” There were multiple requests to change providers and not see Tyndall again. Complaints were generally addressed internally by USC Engemann Student Health Center executive director, Larry Neinstein.”

UCLA: “James Heaps, 67, a one-time gynecologist who is at the center of the scandal at UCLA, also still faces criminal charges for his actions during his 1983-2019 career at the university, in its student health center and at its medical center. The Los Angeles Times reported that the doctor was first arrested  in June 2019 for sexually touching two patients in 2017….The UC system said that it has improved procedures and will undertake more reforms as part of the class-action settlement, the newspaper reported:

“UCLA agreed to create a new process for investigating allegations of sexual assault, harassment, and misconduct. It must also implement a formal chaperone policy for patients. It must also initiate a training program on boundaries and ensure that patients are informed about reporting misconduct.”

While the staffers’ sexual abuse of students began during the years prior to the issuance of the 2011 DCL, university officials consistently failed to take appropriate actions in response to student complaints made during the years following release of the DCL. This reveals that the Dear Colleague Letter did not improve university responses to complaints of staff-on-student sexual abuse. Indeed, the hysteria about student-on-student sexual assault, which permeated campuses during the past decade, may have diverted attention from the burgeoning problem of staff-on-student sexual abuse.